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Malaysia: Bishops Hail Election Win As Reset Chance

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By Michael Sainsbury

Malaysia’s bishops have broken their collective silence following the May 9 win by the Mahathir Mohamad led opposition, calling it a golden opportunity to set the nation on a new course.

The ousting of the corruption-tainted government of Najib Razak spelled the end of a six decade ruling coalition dominated by the United National Malays Organization (UMNO).

The bishops thanked God for a relatively peaceful election and expressed gratitude for an electorate that had come of age. They called for people to continue to pray for Malaysia.

“To all the election commission officials, the polling and counting agents, the thousands of volunteers and responsible citizens assisting in the background, ‘syabas’ (well done) for an almost incident-free election,” their statement issued May 16 read.

The Malaysian bishops’ conference is headed by Bishop Sebastian Francis of Penang.

It includes archbishops Julian Leow of the Archdiocese of Kuala Lumpur, Simon Poh of Kuching and John Wong of Kota Kinabalu as well as six bishops.

“We have witnessed humility and the seeking of forgiveness for past mistakes,” the bishops stated.

“We have seen reconciliation offered and received; observed graciousness in defeat; and a love for peace and harmony for this country.”

It was a chance to increasingly put into practice the values of the Gospel.

“We must pray for healing and unity among all of us,” the church leaders said, calling on Catholics nationwide to offer prayers and services to ensure the country’s peace is maintained.

In recent decades government rule and services in the multi-ethnic, religiously diverse but Muslim majority country has become increasingly tilted in favor of ethnic Malays who are overwhelmingly followers of Islam.

Catholic bishops in the eastern states of Sabah and Sarawak, led by Archbishop Wong, on the island of Borneo that Malaysia shares with the Indonesian province of Kalimantan, have voiced growing concern over the Islamification of provinces that were once majority-Christian.

The opposition was only able to win after a significant number of Malays joined most other ethnic minorities in voting against the Najib regime, reducing its vote from 50 percent five years ago to 36 percent.

It is yet to be seen whether the incoming government, initially to be headed by Mahathir, will set out to stem overt Islamification.

Mahathir, a former long serving prime minister, is expected to later hand over the prime ministership to veteran politician Anwar Ibrahim following his release from prison. Anwar entered politics originally as an Islamic student leader.


Trump Leading West Asia To Its Next Phase Of Chaos – Analysis

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The exact nature of what these events lead to is shrouded in uncertainty. Trump though has unambiguously exacerbated the crises by pushing a region, thus far teetering on the edge, off the cliff.

By Anchal Vohra

In an escalation between Israel and Palestine, 50 Palestinians were shot dead by Israeli forces along the security fence in Gaza. The Palestinians were on a six-week protest, dubbed the ‘Great March of Return,’ alluding to their demand that they must obtain the right to return to the land Israelis built a state in 1948 and subsequently occupied. The bloodiest day since 2014, 14 May coincided with the opening ceremony of the US embassy in disputed Jerusalem, east of which is claimed by the Palestinians as the capital of their future state. Home to the holy sites of the three monotheistic religions, Jerusalem is a tinderbox where passions alight at the simplest of provocations, and that Palestinians would emerge in thousands and question the US’ decision, was no surprise.

Undeterred by the violent turn of events, Trump congratulated Israel and said, “It (the relocation of the embassy) was a long time coming.” In return, Netanyahu applauded Trump and exclaimed, “Trump, by recognising history, you have made history.”

Days before this ‘historical’ event and its bloody ramifications, America’s commander-in-chief had reversed history by pulling out of the Joint comprehensive plan of action or the JCPOA, popularly known as the nuclear deal with Iran. Europeans disagreed and rushed to damage control.

Trump’s actions over the last week have deepened the rift between the US and the EU and while latter’s support for Iran and Palestine is working as the saving grace in a volatile scenario, West Asia is left levitating in the unknown. The American President seems determined on undoing Obama without clarifying his overall strategy to resolve the longest conflict in the region’s modern history. So far, his actions are inclined towards appeasing the vote base of the evangelicals back home, albeit still quite undecipherable, there is a hint of Trump’s thinking in his recent manoeuvres. He is possibly trying to coerce the Palestinians to accept a rather pro-Israeli resolution, which neither includes the right to return for the millions of Palestinians expelled from their land nor does it offer East Jerusalem as their capital. Reports of a tacit understanding between Saudi Arabia and Israel indicate that the Sunni power may back such an agreement.

But why did Trump pullout of a working deal? Why would he relocate the American embassy pending final peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine? Consider the following argument.

Why pullout of a working deal?

Germany, France and Britain lined up for meetings with Trump in a bid to convince him to stick to a deal they saw to be delivering. Iran was abiding by it and waiting for the promised economic advantages. Chancellor Merkel, President Macron and UK’s Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, all read out the importance of the deal which essentially lifts nuclear related sanctions on Iran in exchange for allowing international inspections of Iran’s nuclear programme and hopefully ending its ability to produce nuclear weapons.

President Obama’s administration worked painstakingly over 20 months to achieve the understanding. He reckoned the world to be a safer place with the deal, than without it. At the time of the deal, he faced massive criticism from foreign policy traditionalists who saw it as a balancing act by the US in West Asia, not favouring Iran, but giving it space to grow and bringing a semblance of equilibrium between the power exerted by Sunni Saudis and Shia Iran in the Islamic world. It was a subtle yet a major shift in America’s West Asia policy. The objections to the N-Deal though, weren’t limited to the hawks and were also expressed by experts. They saw it as a much watered-down agreement than first envisaged. In the give and take during the negotiations, the US climbed down and let Iran have its nuclear reactors and even enrich nuclear fuel under strict limitations but these limitations would expire at a certain point in future. These clauses fueled suspicion that Iran may never truly give up its ambition of having nukes and merely delay the plan. The supporters of the deal argued against such thinking and emphasised that the leeway was intended for civilian use of nuclear energy.

Trump ignored the supporters who vouched for Iran’s behaviour and said the deal was working. He chose to believe a coterie of foreign policy traditionalists who would stick to tested allies like the Saudis and assuage their concerns over Iran’s rise and with those who saw the deal as insufficiently guaranteeing the demise of Iran’s nuclear programme.

Iran’s success in the region — in Lebanon, Iraq and especially Syria — added to the fears of the critics and handed the push to announce the decision Trump made while campaigning for Presidency.

The President himself confirmed this analysis a few days after pulling out of the deal when he tweeted:

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo seconded Trump. In a tweet, he said: “On Sunday shows I discussed withdrawal from JCPOA: To suggest that’s driving Iranian conduct in Yemen, the rise of Hezbollah — those took place during JCPOA.. they felt like they could act with impunity. While this agreement was in place Iran continued its march across Middle East.”

Trump did not walk out of the deal because Iran violated it or lied, a case Netanyahu tried to build against the Persian nation, but because it spread its wings and expanded in the neighbourhood.

In Lebanon, Iran’s most effective proxy, the Hizbollah, is the strongest entity. It is the most lethal fighting force in Syria backing Bashar al-Assad and training Shia militias of Iraq. In the recently contested elections in Lebanon, the Hizbollah sought political legitimacy. Even though individually it didn’t perform drastically better than before, it struck clever alliances and along with its allies, won more than half of the parliamentary seats. Hassan Nasrallah, the chief of the armed and political outfit, claimed the electoral success to be a sign of support for Hizbollah’s raison d’etre: resistance to Israel.

In Syria, Iran and Hizbollah have made massive inroads during the seven years of war. Groups backed by the Saudis and other American allies fell, as Iran’s men rose to prominence. The man controlling the largest part of Syria — Bashar al-Assad — owes Iran hugely. In early 2000s, Assad wanted to make peace with Israel — return of the occupied Golan Heights territory, in exchange for Syria diluting ties with Iran. The war changed the dynamic and forced Assad to fall back in the Iranian arms.

In Iraq, an anti-Iran Shia cleric called Muqtada al-Sadr is emerging as the kingmaker of the future government. The alliance supported by him has scored better than America backed incumbent Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and Iran funded leader of Badr brigade Hadi al-Ameri. Sadr has been welcomed by Sunni monarchies in the Gulf and talks about a nationalist, non-sectarian Iraq. His rise is perhaps a more soothing development for America and the Saudis but his beginnings still cast a doubt. The kingmaker has been a maverick. Sadr formed Mahdi Army in 2003 which went on a rampage, killing American forces and also Sunni jihadis. For a few years, Sadr left for Iran on a self-imposed exile and arguably returned a changed man. He asked the Mahdi army to give up its weapons and rebranded it as ‘Peace Brigades.’ He is likely to have a bigger say in Iraqi affairs but is still challenged by Iran’s proxies like Ameri who will keep Iran firmly in the game on the ground in the country.

In short, over the last decade or so of wars in West Asia, Iran has enlarged its footprint and formed an arc of influence stretching from Tehran through Iraq and Syria, all the way to Lebanon. The entire belt is flooded with Iran’s foot soldiers and images of Ayatollah Khomenie and Khamenie.

Before the Syrian war, Iran’s regional fighting force of the Hizbollah was daring Israel on the Lebanon-Israel border. Now, it has deputed some and can easily send more Shia fighters from Lebanon, Iraq, and even Afghanistan to Golan Heights in Syria, a large part of which is occupied by Israel.

This worries Israel for they fear a stronger enemy, and the Saudis, because instead of theirs, Iranian proxies are on a winning spree.

Obama administration may have lived with an ascendant Iran but Trump sees it differently. Trump’s Iran mistrust also stems from the expectations of the staunchly pro-Israeli American tycoon Sheldon Adelson, who flushed Trump’s campaign with cash and now expects Trump to deliver on promises.

Pulling-out of the deal will weaken Iran, already struggling with a feeble economy, and indirectly empower Israel. That was the calculus. Iran would be tolerated to go on unhindered only until ISIS’s defeat. Soon after, the plug was pulled to teach Iran a lesson — it can’t improve its economy if it harbours regional ambitions.

What will or can Iran do?

The US and allies have taken an offensive approach to contain Iran’s strategic depth and the resistance it leads against Israel. Pushed into a corner, what are Iran’s options?

It can lash back and go nuclear. Within Iran, the hardliners have always maintained that they reserve the right to go nuclear for civilian purposes and have also often used this as a veiled message to procure nuclear weapons for domestic appeal and international posturing. While their rhetoric continued, the moderates in Iran hoped to be strengthened by the deal and by the economic benefits it was eventually expected to bestow. The unfolding of Trump’s policy has emboldened the hardliners. They are now screaming their displeasure at the top of their voices and threatening, unless Europe mitigates the impact of American withdrawal, Iran will follow the dreaded path. The fear that they actually might, has enhanced. If they do, Saudis may too and the world faces an unparalleled crisis. Will they? It is still too early to conclusively say because of the presence of reasonable voices in Iran which suggest waiting for Trump’s exit and dealing with the next American President.

How does Iran plan on fighting for Palestine? Even with JCPOA at play, Iran has offered support to all kinds of anti-Israel factions. Over the last months, Iran has tried to bring together quarreling Palestinian groups to generate a mood on the ground in Palestine for another intifada. Trump’s embassy stunt and the killings which followed in Gaza, may provide the necessary fuel for such an uprising. But unity among varying Palestinian stakeholders isn’t anywhere on the horizon, the momentum may simply vanish.

The last option for Iran is to embroil Israel into a war or get embroiled in one initiated by Israel. Fire exchange between Israel and Iran’s friends has already intensified in Syria. Hizbollah’s chief Hassan Nasrallah has even responded with a war cry. On the day Tel Aviv shot down 58 Palestinians, Nasrallah gave a speech and threatened of a retaliation inside Israel. He said that through an international body Israel has been informed, the heart of Israel will be targeted if it doesn’t follow Hizbollah’s redline in Syria. He did not elaborate what the red-line is. Will the Hizbollah carry out the threat? Determined and war-hardened, it does have internal political considerations. Hizbollah can’t go to war with Israel unless Lebanon is attacked.

The confrontation between Israel and the forces of the resistance are expected to worsen on the Syrian front, and that is eventually bound to make its way to Lebanon. If and when that happens, the Hizbollah can build national consensus favouring war. It is likely that skirmishes on the Syrian front will get out of hand and culminate into a war but whatever vitriol, Hizbollah has borne a huge cost for intervening in Syria and is war weary, it desires to rest its fighters before it jumps into another conflict.

Iran is still weighing available recourses but as it does so, it will continue to nurture its militias and solidify its base in the region. Iran knows US backed Israel is militarily superior but Tehran is also mindful of its strengths on the battlefields in Syria and Lebanon. It too can inflict great damage on Israel.

Uncertainty

The exact nature of what these events lead to is shrouded in uncertainty. Trump though has unambiguously exacerbated the crises by pushing a region, thus far teetering on the edge, off the cliff. West Asia has bolted into the next phase of chaos. Not yet war, preparation for it is the current mood. The refusal of Europe to accept Trump’s Iran and Palestine policy may hold it off for a bit but controlling the fragile reality on the multiple war fronts in the region is beyond the scope of the EU.

The Resurgence Of Taliban And India’s Response – OpEd

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The US has, off and on, made some tall claims of having reigned in the Taliban in Pakistan. These claims stand exposed as fatuous against the backdrop of the military success attained by the organisation that is putting a severe strain on the weak government operating there.

A few days back, 0n May, 16, a major attack by Taliban on the Afghan provincial capital of Farah was repelled by the Afghan forces only with US assistance. The rebels still managed to puncture the security perimeter which indicates their strength and determination. Had they succeeded the Afghan government would have suffered a severe setback.

A very recent release has quoted a provincial police chief of Afghanistan as saying that Taliban fighters have attacked several security posts in three provinces killing 16 security personnel. The press brief also adds that 25 Taliban rebels have also been killed in the attacks.

The aforementioned are adequate pointers towards the resurgence of the Taliban as against the weakening of the incumbent government.

It cannot be denied that there was a time in 2011 when the diminishing influence of Al Queda, triggered by the killing of Osama bin Laden and neutralising of its top hierarchy such as Sheikh Said Al Masri, Atiyah Abd-al-Rahman, led to a downturn in militant influence in Afghanistan.

However, it did not take the Taliban too long to bounce back and by 2012 it was in form again with enhanced capabilities. Ever since, Taliban’s strength, motivation, funding and tactical proficiency have improved manifold and its commanders are attempting to make strategic gains, to the extent of attempting to broker an agreement to get Afghanistan or at least a part of it.

To convince US and other stakeholders, they have made it amply clear that the Taliban La’iha or code of conduct, is strictly enforced and the leadership is in absolute control of the cadres.

US attempts to use Pakistan as a platform to get Taliban on to the negotiating table have come to naught because the Taliban does not trust the country, its army and its intelligence agency, the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) at all. In fact, Taliban quotes Pakistan as one big reason for its decision to remain armed even if a settlement with the US and Afghanistan Government is brokered. Pakistan, on its part, is hesitant to take action against the Afghan Taliban on its soil because of concerns that the group will redirect its violence against the country and Afghan intelligence will support it.

A dichotomy, however, persists as the ISI remains in touch with many of segments of the Taliban, mainly the Haqqani network. Only a few months back in March 2018, a senior NATO commander, General Petr Pavel, went on record to say that the Haqqani network continues to enjoy significant support inside Pakistan that facilitates its attacks into the interiors of Afghanistan. It is notable that a number of high profile attacks inside Pakistan in the past few months have been attributed to the Haqqani network.

As per the study report on Taliban, the operational expenditure of Taliban is estimated at 150 million USD. This does not include expenditure on equipment and creation of organisational base. A district commander gets anything between 50,000 to 200,000 USD depending upon the level of activity in his area. Taliban continues to openly raise majority of their revenue through donations, regularly throughout the year, from all cities of Pakistan. They are also a funded participant in the narcotics trade with Pakistan.

US interest in Afghanistan has been fading over the years. The Trump administration has sidelined its engagement with this erstwhile focal point significantly. It seems that President Trump has directed a check on Afghanistan only to the extent of “making sure that AL Qaeda cannot attack US homeland and US interests and our allies” or project violence against American citizens.
The growing influence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and its blow hot, blow cold relationship with Pakistan is a good reason for India to be very worried.

Earlier in this month, on May, 7, seven Indians working with the Indian power company KEC International were abducted in Northern Baglan Province of Afghanistan. Even though it is being said that the KEC employees were mistaken for being government staff, India cannot afford to take the perceptive Taliban belligerence lightly.

An increase in Taliban influence invariably has a negative impact in the security situation in the Kashmir valley. It should never be forgotten that the initial impetus to militancy and militancy in Jammu and Kashmir came when the Taliban was ruling Kashmir. The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has a well documented agenda of bringing Kashmir under the ambit of Sharia through an armed struggle. TTP is ideologically aligned with the Afghanistan Taliban and as a bottom line they are chips of the same block.

It is also notable that the new flock of militants operating in the Kashmir Valley, regardless of their being local or foreign, have dismissed calls for Azaadi (freedom) or merger with Pakistan and instead embraced the Sharia ideology which is common to both the ISIS and the Taliban. With the ISIS being a bit on the back foot, it is now the Taliban that could well emerge as the ideological mentor of the movement in Kashmir

The regressive policy of the Taliban based on the belief that democracy, education, religious tolerance and women’s rights will lead to degradation of the society will lead Kashmir back to the medieval ages.

The Af-Pak region once again stands at a cross road mired with ambiguous policies of the stake holders and a fight to the finish getting into motion. The upsurge of the Taliban needs to be closely watched. India needs to watch the situation very carefully and exert maximum pressure to ensure that the stability of the incumbent Government of Afghanistan is not compromised. At the same time there is a need to keep a close watch on the Kashmir situation so that evil designs being formulated from across the border are not allowed to fructify.

*Farooq Wani is a Kashmir-based senior journalist and commentator

Belt And Road Initiative Enhances Pakistan’s Maritime Security, Decreases Likelihoods Of War Between India And Pakistan – OpEd

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The One Belt and One Road initiative would lessen the probabilities of nuclear war between India and Pakistan providing Pakistan a competence to monitor India’s naval activities in the Indian Ocean.

Pakistan plays a significant role in China’s Maritime Silk Route as part of China’s Belt and Road (B & R) initiative. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a vital development project within China’s Belt Road Initiative (BRI) and serves as the crucial link between the maritime ‘road’ and land based ‘belt’ aspects of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). India perceives this China’s Maritime Silk route passing through South Asia a direct threat to its core strategic interest in Indian Ocean as it wants to maintain Indian primacy in the Indian Ocean (IO) and Indian Ocean Littoral States.

India’s great leaders have strong aspirations to be a blue water navy or the dominant naval power in the Indian Ocean since its inception in 1947. India’s Anit Mukherjee determines Indian Ocean strategy in three categories. One is to establish closer ties with the US and its allies, second is to strengthen its links with Indian Ocean Littoral states and last is to building up its own military power ( including the induction of Nuclear capable Submarines into Indian Ocean).

Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is the coastal area (consists of islands and states) lying in contact with the IO. It has become a renewed focal point of global economy, having substantial avenues for economic activities of Asia, the US and Europe. Therefore, all stakeholders are obliged to ensure the security of the Indian Ocean in order to avoid any miscalculation or misperception among all stake holders. Moreover, China is expected to be the world’s largest oil importing country and India expected to be the largest coal importing country by 2020; therefore, there is an inevitable need for their cooperative efforts to ensure energy security.

On the other hand, the enlargement of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) in the IOR is primarily due to the large economic incentives. China has transported 173.9 million tons of oil from the Middle East to China, and 52.4 million tons from Africa to China in 2016. Besides, China has established its first overseas military base in Djibouti which is considered by India as part of China’s “String of Pearls” strategy and would engulf India.

If India is developing its military (three wings: army, navy, air force) to maximize its power, likewise it may avoid to feed its fears related to China’s port development assistance in the IOR as China is pursuing its own national economic and strategic interests. India perceives that these ports can disrupt the refueling of India’s tankers, warships because of the presence of People’s Liberation Army Navy in the IOR.

The contemporary world is globalized and interdependent where states have to cooperate with each other in each walk of life. Therefore, India’s rhetoric regarding China’s development projects may prove unjustified in future. Here question arises that why India is the one of the biggest trade partner of China if it feels that it would be engulfed by China?

By the same token, India has presuppositions that the development of Gwadar Port in Pakistan’s Baluchistan Province under China—Pakistan’s joint development project, “China—Pakistan Economic Corridor” will pave the way for the formation of Chinese naval base in Gwadar. Fuelling fears against China, India has launched nuclear capable Submarine in the Indian Ocean. This nuclearization of Indian Ocean has serious security implications for Pakistan. Thus, Pakistan needs a strategic partner currently (in form of “China”) in order to monitor India’s naval activities in the Indian Ocean. China can monitor the naval activities of both the US and India on the Indian Ocean.

Some of the recent events such as India-China military standoff at Doklam from 16 June 2017 – 28 August 2017 and India-Pakistan’s blame game on the unprovoked firing on the Line of Control region in 2017 and in the beginning of 2018 (left hundreds of people dead and injured), are the destabilizing incidents in the South Asian region. In the backdrop of these insecurities, Pakistan has to maximize its defence.

Most recently, an embryonic formation of an alternative route against China’s B &R initiative by a quad of Australia, India, Japan and the US in order to contain China’s global influence may exacerbate some tensions at global level. India being part of this quad may pursue its strategic objective against China’s B & R initiative. India considers China’s Maritime Silk Route projects in South Asia as part of its larger strategy of challenging Indian primacy in the Indian Ocean.

India here has certain doubts about Chinese aims to deploy Gwadar in the medium to long term as a dual use port, allowing the PLA key access into the Indian Ocean as well as bolstering Pakistan’s ability to deter any Indian advantage in the naval realm.

The Pakistani port of Gwadar, built, financed and operated by China is located at the union of the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea, providing China access to a key location in the Indian Ocean.

In between all these states, Pakistan being an important part of China’s Belt and Road initiative can maximize it maritime security fittingly. Pakistan navy is likely to buy eight more diesel-electric attack submarines from China in near future. These are scheduled for delivery in 2028 to maximize Pakistan’s maritime security as a defensive measure. It may a direct response to India’s August 2016 deployment of its first nuclear submarine, the Arihant. A second, even more advanced Indian nuclear submarine, the Arighat, began sea trials last November, and four more boats are scheduled to join the fleet by 2025. That will give India a “nuclear triad,” which means the country will have the ability to deliver a nuclear strike by land-based missiles, by warplanes, and by submarines. The submarine is the key component. It’s considered the most “survivable” in the event of a devastating first strike by an enemy, and thus able to deliver a retaliatory second strike.

Lastly, both China and Pakistan will be able to monitor India’s naval activities in the Indian Ocean so that India’s any attempt to get an advantage in the IO can be counterbalanced. If, supposedly, that advantage will go unnoticed, there would be more chance of the nuclearization.

When it comes to India and Pakistan, by contrast, the new generation of nuclear submarines may increase the risk of a devastating war between the two longstanding enemies.

*Asia Maqsood has a degree of M. Phil in Defence and Strategic Studies from Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad. She has done Masters in International Relations from the same Institute. She frequently writes on China Pakistan affairs, CPEC, South Asia’s Regional Issues which have been published in various national, international blogs and newspapers. She can be reached at asiamaqsood.09@gmail.com

Trump Proposal On Title X Is Welcome – OpEd

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The federal government’s Title X Family Planning program has always been prohibited from funding “programs where abortion is a method of family planning.”

Now President Trump is proposing regulations to enforce that rule, which has been ignored by recent presidents. And the reaction of the abortion industry, led by Planned Parenthood, belies their claim that they do not use taxpayer funds for abortion.

The Trump proposal would require “a bright line of physical as well as financial separation between Title X programs and any program (or facility) where abortion is performed, supported, or referred for as a method of family planning.”

This is perfectly consistent with the 1970 law establishing Title X, which made clear that abortion is not family planning. And it is also consistent with the will of the American people: polls have repeatedly shown that most are opposed to taxpayer funding for abortion.

If, as Planned Parenthood has always claimed, they do not use federal family planning funds for abortion, they should welcome this new regulation, as it would simply assure continued funding for their non-abortion services.

Instead, Planned Parenthood Federation of America’s Executive Vice President, Dawn Laguens, ominously warns that “Under this rule, people will not get the health care they need. They won’t get birth control, cancer screenings, STD testing and treatment, or even general women’s health exams.”

This pulls the mask off. It is Planned Parenthood admitting that all of their other services are so entangled with their abortion business that they cannot separate them, and thus cannot—or will not—prevent taxpayer funds from supporting their  abortion business.

This proves our point: funding for Planned Parenthood is fungible, and taxpayer dollars are easily used to fund abortion, directly or indirectly. That violates Title X regulations, and President Trump is right to stop it.

Pro-abortion groups are claiming that the Trump proposal would also ban counseling about abortion—what they like to call a “gag rule.” The administration, however, says the new rule would not ban counseling. It would simply lift “the current, potentially illegal mandate” that requires Title X-funded projects to “counsel and refer for abortions. ”

The new regulation would also require Title X recipients to “document their compliance with state reporting laws” when they encounter victims of sexual assault, incest or rape. This is critically important. Planned Parenthood has for years resisted reporting evidence of such abuses of under-aged girls by adult men, and pro-life groups have documented their failure to do so.

The Trump administration’s proposed regulations are a welcome effort to protect women and safeguard taxpayers.

Illegal Logging: An Organized Crime That Is Destroying Latin American Forests

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By Milton López Tarabochia

Illegal wood trafficking is the most profitable crime against natural resources and the world’s third most important crime, according to a report titled “Transnational crime and the developing world,” published in March 2017 by Global Financial Integrity, a US-based organization that investigates illicit financial flows.

The report estimates that, globally, this transnational crime generates US$52 billion to US$157 billion a year. The United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) estimates that 30 percent of the wood sold in the world has been illegally obtained.

According to Insight Crime, a research center on organized crime, most illegal timber logging occurs in the Amazon rainforest. Illegal timber logging, illegal mining and drug trafficking are the most investigated crimes in Latin America.

Latin American forests are the second most vulnerable in the world to illegal timber logging, after Asian forests, says UNEP. In 2014 alone, illegal timber exports from South America — for both raw wood and sawn timber — totaled an average of US$387 million, according to the International Union of Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO).

Rolando Navarro, a researcher at the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), who has closely studied the illegal timber trade in South America, told Latinamerica Press that “over 75 percent of the wood sold in South America both domestically and for export, is illegally obtained.”

A massive amount of wood is illegally traded in Latin America. In late 2012, INTERPOL confiscated over 50,000 m³ of illegally obtained timber with an estimated value of US$8 million as a result of an operation named Project LEAF (Law Enforcement Assistance for Forests), in which law enforcement agencies from 12 Latin American countries worked together to crack down on illegal timber logging.

Illegal wood trafficking is a complex type of organized crime and it leads to a long spiral of inter-related crimes like a tree’s annual growth rings.

Alicia Abanto, Peruvian Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office representative for the Environment, Public Services and Indigenous People, told Latinamerica Press that wood trafficking is linked to a series of crimes such as deforestation, labor exploitation, land invasions, tax evasion, document forgery, state corruption and even the murder of community leaders who are fighting to preserve forests.

“These crimes also occur in other Latin American countries and the Caribbean. However, they are more common in the Amazon rainforest, because it’s a much larger rainforest,” says Abanto. “The illegal timber trade often begins with indigenous or peasant communities that are hired by a timber logging company. Very often they are unaware of the fact that what they’re doing is illegal and companies take advantage of that.”

A multi-million dollar business

Cost-benefit is the key reason why timber logging and the illegal timber trade is so profitable. Let’s take a look at the economic aspect of this illegal activity, beginning with the timber production cycle and ending with the export of timber products: a lumberjack earns an average of US$70 per cubic meter of Peruvian mahogany. An exporter, however, earns US$1,804 per cubic foot (0.028 m³) and importers earn up to US$3,170 per cubic meter, according to Insight Crime.

“The illegal timber trade involves tax evasion,” says Abanto.

Navarro adds that the timber species most widely sold in Peru are usually the most sought after species by the illegal timber trade in South America. The absence of information on the circuit of illegal timber trade is one of the main obstacles to tackling this crime.

The most widely sold species include the following: cumala (Virola sp.), tornillo (Cedrelinga catenaeformis), capinuri or chimicua (Clarisia biflora), lupuna (Chorisia integrifolia), capirona (Calycophyllum spruceanum), shihuahuaco (Coumarouna odorata), cachimbo (Cariniana domesticata), copaiba (Copaifera reticulata); cumala (Virola sebifera) and catahua (Hura crepitans).

The illegal timber trade also has a huge impact on Central American and Caribbean countries.

A report titled “A spatio-temporal analysis of forest loss related to cocaine trafficking in Central America,” published in May 2017 by scientific journal IOPscience, refers about the impact of cocaine trafficking on deforestation in Central America. According to the report, as a result of the cocaine trade, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua have lost annually between 15 percent and 30 percent of their forestland over the past decade. Forests in Costa Rica, El Salvador, Jamaica, Panama and the Dominican Republic are also under threat from the cocaine trade.

The Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA), a US-based organization that monitors the illegal timber trade, shared information with Latinamerica Press about the scale of the illegal timber trade in Latin America.

According to Julia Urrunaga, director of the EIA’s Peru Programs, Mexico is one of the countries that purchase the greatest volume of wood “that has a high risk of being illegally obtained as part of the value chain.” Almost all of the wood imported by Mexico comes from Brazil and Peru.

Figures published by the IUFRO based on World Bank data for 2006, show that percentage of wood sold in each Latin American country is illegally obtained: Bolivia (80 percent), the Brazilian Amazon rainforest (20 percent-47 percent), Colombia (42 percent), and Ecuador (70 percent).

Navarro points out that the 80 percent figure for Peru has increased since 2006. “I would dare to say that more than 90 percent of the timber sold in Peru has been illegally obtained,” said the CIEL researcher.

Illegal “timber laundering”

The EIA’s latest report titled “Moment of Truth: Promise or Peril for the Amazon as Peru Confronts its Illegal Timber Trade,” published in January 2018, sheds light on the practice known as “timber washing,” meaning the sale of illegally obtained timber with fake permits.

The report solely focuses on Peruvian timber exports that left the country in 2015 from Callao, the country’s main port, and concludes that 17 percent of the points where timber is logged are illegal; 16 percent are legal and it is unclear whether the remaining 67 percent are legal or illegal, although evidence suggests they are most likely illegal.

The investigation also established that Peruvian timber — including timber that has been legally obtained — is exported to China, the Dominican Republic, the United States, Mexico, France, Cuba, South Korea, Belgium, Puerto Rico, Australia, Taiwan, Spain, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, Canada, Israel and Japan.

Timber washing in Peru and other Latinamerican countries occurs when criminal organizations provide the authorities with lists of trees to be logged that don’t actually exist. Thus, the authorities grant permits to log specimens that only exist on paper, explains a 2012 investigation published by the EIA, “The Laundering Machine. How Fraud and Corruption in Peru’s Concession System are Destroying the Future of Its Forests,” which explains how the illegal origin of much of Peru’s timber is covered up.

“Backed by these volumes of imaginary trees, the corresponding official documents are sold in the black market and used to launder wood extracted illegally from elsewhere — national parks, indigenous territories, other public lands,” reads the report.

The policies Latin American states ought to take in order to crack down on illegal timber logging, according to Abanto, should include “the promotion of collective land titles for indigenous lands in order to stop land trafficking, a practice that is often linked to illegal timber logging.”

In the case of Peru, one of the countries in Latin America where the problem is most serious, “the state should abide by the forestry agreement included in the Free Trade Agreement with the United States to ensure that all the timber exported to the United States has been legally obtained,” says Abanto.

The US government even sent a letter on Feb. 26 to Peruvian Minister for Trade and Tourism, Eduardo Ferreyros, to verify the origin of a timber cargo sent by three companies that exported wood to the United States in 2017.

It’s not the first time this has happened, says Abanto. Official letters sent by the US authorities were prompted by the dubious track record of Peruvian timber companies that have been linked to illegal timber exports. The most widely publicized case was the search warrant issued for the Yacu Kallpa ship in 2015, as part of Operación Amazonas (Operation Amazon). After the raid, the police established that over 91 percent of the ship’s cargo was illegal.

According to Navarro, the countries with the least stringent regulations on the origin of timber imports are China, Mexico and the Dominican Republic, the three countries that Peru exports most of its timber to.

“We require regional coordination between countries in order to effectively tackle timber trafficking. This can’t be achieved if there is governmental weakness and no action is taken to stop the mafias,” said Abanto.

New ‘Silk Road’ Brings Challenges And Opportunities For Biodiversity Conservation

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In an article published this week by the renowned journal Nature Sustainability, an international team of scientists argues that environmental protection should be a priority for the “Belt and Road” initiative. This Chinese project would then represent not only an investment to foster international trade but also an opportunity for sustainable development leadership. Among the team, who calls for rigorous strategic environmental and social assessments, are researchers from the Research Center in Biodiversity and Genetic Resources (CIBIO-InBIO) in Portugal, the Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg and the German Centre for Integrative Biodiversity Research (iDiv).

China is establishing an infrastructure and service network to connect the country, by land and sea, to different parts of Asia, Africa and Europe. According to Chinese government, this new “Silk Road” should count on the participation of least 65 countries, involve about two-thirds of the world’s population and boost one-third of the global economy.

This “Belt and Road” initiative (BRI) promises to greatly influence the future of global trade and promote the economic development around the world. However, it may also promote permanent environmental degradation. The implementation of BRI implies massive rail and road infrastructure expansion, new ports construction in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and the creation of oil and gas pipelines to Russia, Kazakhstan and Myanmar.

Economic development and environmental sustainability: opposites?

The article points that BRI’s economic development corridors coincide with high environmental value areas and can therefore have significant impacts on biodiversity.

“Legitimate aspirations for the people’s economic development may clash with environmental sustainability goals, due to the large amounts of raw material needed to support transport infrastructure’s mega-expansion in environmentally sensitive areas, such as South-East Asia and Tropical Africa”, explained Fernando Ascensão, the article’s first author from the Research Center in Biodiversity and Genetic Resouces (CIBIO-InBIO)

A recent report by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) shows that these corridors overlap with 1739 Key Biodiversity Areas (KBAs) and with the range of 265 threatened species, including 39 critically endangered.

Abrupt changes in ecosystem quality and functionality due to pollution, the spread of invasive species, restrictions of animal movement, habitat loss and increased wildlife mortality, are at stake. In addition, “raw materials and fossil fuels use, and increased oil and gas reserves exploitation constitute a scenario of an increasing dependency on fossil-fuel and high greenhouse gas emissions”, stresses Henrique Pereira (CIBIO-InBIO, iDiv and MLU).

How to promote an “ecological civilization”?

Since the 1990s, China has been strengthening its environmental legislation in pursuit of an “ecological civilization”. In this context, Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs) have been applied as legal requirement for all major economic development activities. The article now published in Nature Sustainability argues that the balance between economic development and environmental sustainability can be achieved if China replicates the good environmental practices, already required within its borders, in the Belt and Road Initiative.

According to Fernando Ascensão, “all BRI-related projects should undergo Strategic Environmental and Social Assessments which provide, at an early stage of decision-making, holistic information on the costs and benefits of development plans, including those reflecting the impacts on biodiversity and human populations”.

The authors acknowledge that the large number of countries and entities involved in BRI may be an obstacle to a rapid paradigm shift. Therefore, they suggest concrete measures to be implemented, such as linking project financing to compliance with the environmental sustainability guidelines, associated to the monitoring of environmental effects.

They also argue that the standards to be implemented should be “sufficiently flexible to accommodate regional idiosyncrasies”, with “dialogue between all those involved in the decision-making process (governments, financial institutions, non-governmental organizations and local communities) and researchers in biodiversity conservation, human health and climate change mitigation”.

The Belt and Road Initiative could be “an opportunity for China to take a leading role in moving global development towards sustainability by requiring its overseas partners at least the same environmental quality China aspires for within its territory”, concluded Henrique Pereira.

The Art Of No Deal: Opening A Pandora’s Box – Analysis

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On May 8th, President Trump pulled the plug on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and claimed that Iran failed to comply with the obligations despite very little tangible evidence. Regardless of which side is correct, a U.S withdrawal from the deal raises some serious implications about what will come next.

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action was a diplomatic initiative that involved the United States, Iran, the United Kingdom, France, China, Russia, plus Germany. In July 2015, the group of countries known as the P5+1 reached an agreement in Vienna that specifically restricted Tehran’s nuclear program. In return, the global community would lift some of the sanctions that were placed on Iran. Since the ratification of the agreement, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which is the leading authority on the issue has repeatedly verified Iran’s compliance within the terms of the deal. Yet, regardless of its functionality, Trump has expressed his grief with the agreement.

The Trump Administration has identified four aspects it would like to see included in the nuclear deal. These include 1) Iran’s ballistic missile program, 2) Tehran’s role in the region, 3) the inspections regime, and 4) the sunset provisions, which allow certain legal items to expire over time. However, the JCPOA was specifically designed to curb Iran’s nuclear program and in this context, it functioned adequately.

But the deal was never meant to address non-nuclear proliferation issues. Thus, including non-nuclear provisions within the current framework is not a feasible endeavor nor is it something the global community looks forward too. Nonetheless, the Trump Administration considered the non-nuclear shortcomings as a deal-breaker and announced the exit from the JCPOA.

In his announcement, Trump stated plans to reimpose all suspended sanctions on Iran. These include penalties to curb Iranian energy exports by targeting the Central Bank in Tehran as well as the hundreds of banks that deal in finances and insurances. The most likely way for Trump to reimpose sanctions on Iran is to go through channels that administer and enforce economic sanctions. This task falls under the authority of the Office of Foreign Assets Control in the U.S Department of Treasury. However, their protocols explicitly note that imposing sanctions can only take force after a period of 90-180 days. Much of the process depends on the unprecedented interpretations and the country in question. Within this timeframe, Washington can reimpose the sanctions on Iran.

Thus far, the global community has responded to Trump’s decision with mixed feelings. British, French, and German leaders made a final push to change Trump’s mind, but ultimately failed to do so. As such, immediately following Trump’s announcement, top officials from the European Union responded by saying that the U.S President does not have the power to unilaterally scrap the multilateral deal. Officials from China and Russia reacted similarly and noted that they remain committed to the nuclear pact, including the provision for sanctions relief for the Islamic Republic.

The other members of the agreement reject Trump’s decision, but once the U.S sanctions are in place, any firm that wants to conduct business with Iran will immediately be subject to U.S secondary sanctions, which will cut them off from the U.S banking system. If Washington reinstates sanctions while the Europeans, Chinese, and Russians want to remain committed to the deal, they will have to resort to non-dollar measures and pass legislation to protect their companies. This could reduce the extent of U.S sanctions that can affect Iranian energy exports.

So far, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has called for restraint and said that Iran remains committed to the JCPOA. If the Europeans remain committed to the agreement as well, it would be in Iran’s interest to abide by the nuclear terms. Doing otherwise would damage Tehran’s relationship with the European Union. However, the European commitment to the JCPOA remains dubious at best. The Europeans are simply unlikely to risk upsetting Washington. As such, despite the current defiance, the Europeans are most likely to comply with certain U.S sanctions.

On the other hand, Russia and China have been proven to be willing to take greater risks. Moscow has close security ties to Tehran especially in the Syrian battle space, while Beijing is the largest importer of Iranian crude oil followed by New Delhi. Russia, China, and India also cooperate with Tehran in their respective grand economic policies. Some examples include the Indian-Russian Transport Corridor and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, both of which involve Iran.

New Delhi and Beijing also rely on their access to Iranian energy for the development of their respective industries. In short, while Europe is likely to comply with U.S sanctions, Moscow, Beijing, and New Delhi will be important for Tehran to navigate the sanctions environment. In the coming months, Rouhani is likely to seek for greater international support to push against Trump before the U.S reinstates economic sanctions.

For Rouhani, the well-being of his moderate faction depends on the ongoing economic reforms which are tied to the survival of the JCPOA. At the end of 2017, protests erupted across Iran with many Iranians complaining that the nuclear agreement had failed to provide the country with tangible economic benefits.

In addition, Iranian conservatives are likely to exploit the weakened position of the moderates. The conservatives believe that Rouhani’s failure to reform the economy will allow them to dominate Iran’s political landscape once again. Trump’s exit from the JCPOA will further complicate the internal political balance in Iran.

Another faction that welcomed Trump’s decision was the government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The Israelis are in a proxy conflict with their Iranian counterparts. The current Iranian-Israeli proxy conflict is taking place inside Syria with the former trying to carve a direct land corridor through its proxy Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Israeli intelligence estimates that Hezbollah has around 150,000 rockets and missiles in its possession of which thousands can reach major Israeli cities like Tel Aviv. As such, Hezbollah is Israel’s most imminent threat. If Iran succeeds by creating a direct corridor to Hezbollah, Tehran would be able to swiftly reinforce and strengthen the position of its proxy in Lebanon as well as create a second front by the Golan Heights.

However, as Israel and Iran act to preserve their credibility, their responses and counter-responses are likely to get stronger over time. This cycle of violence only requires one miscalculation for a dramatic escalation. In fact, this is not a position the Israeli leadership wants to be in, especially not on its own. Israel needs the United States in the proxy conflict against Iran and the collapse of the JCPOA helps to bring Washington into the fight.

In the long-term, Trump’s withdrawal from the JCPOA raises questions that affect the geopolitical standing of the United States in the Middle East. How can other nations trust Washington to abide by its commitments when political winds change? This is particularly important considering the nuclear negotiations with North Korea.

Moreover, if the deal collapses all together, the government in Tehran will be free to expand its nuclear program as it was doing so until 2013. Designing a fresh nuclear accord with a resurgent Iran will be even more complicated than it was in the past. Before long, the U.S could face a new geopolitical dilemma with only two options. Washington could either allow Tehran to continue its nuclear program in the absence of international monitoring or use forceful means to stop it. Neither options have particularly favorable outcomes.


Forsaking Great Story For Politics: HUAC, Blacklists And ‘High Noon’– OpEd

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By Bruce Edward Walker*

Another sign of the politicization of all aspects of our culture is the latest Criterion Channel tagline for the 1951 film High Noon: “One of the most politically resonant of all Hollywood westerns.” Really? They’re referencing, of course, the screenwriter Carl Foreman’s brief membership in the Communist Party, which eventually landed him on the industry’s blacklist. Fans of the film need not worry, however: This doesn’t mean playing Tex Ritter’s rendition of the film’s theme song “Do Not Forsake Me, Oh, My Darling” backwards yields “The Internationale” communist anthem.

The Gary Cooper oater has received a political makeover by Glenn Frankel in a book that once again covers the story of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) investigations into Tinsel Town communism in the late 1940s and early 1950s. No matter whether readers believe that HUAC and the Hollywood studio blacklists it prompted abrogated constitutionally protected free speech and free association (true – to an extent) or agree that subversive activities were commonplace within the movie industry (also true – to an extent), this book (High Noon: The Hollywood Blacklist and the Making of an American Classic, Bloomsbury USA) does little to sway opinions either way.

Frankel falls squarely in the first camp, finding fault with HUAC members, studio heads eager to clean the commies out of Hollywood’s closets and anti-communist celebrities such as John Wayne and Ronald Reagan. At the same time he blames the blacklist era for the early demise of actor John Garfield, director Robert Rossen and several others. This is correlation rather than causation and therefore impossible to verify. If so, it wouldn’t be difficult to attribute the early deaths of 1950s matinee idols James Dean and Montgomery Clift to the blacklists had either actor ever been summoned by HUAC or belonged to the Communist Party (they didn’t, but both men indeed died young). No, instead, Dean was a reckless driver and Clift a chronic abuser of alcohol and other drugs. Likewise, Garfield suffered from a chronic heart condition that may or may not have been aggravated by the blacklists and Rossen conducted an extremely dissolute lifestyle that may or may not have been exacerbated by winding up on the blacklist. There’s simply no way to tell for sure.

McCarthyism slurs

While only the crassest student of film history would make light of the careers destroyed or abbreviated by the Hollywood blacklists, the industry conducted a turnaround immediately after such directors and screenwriters as Edward Dmytryk and Dalton Trumbo returned to prominence. Soon the leftward drift of Hollywood accelerated unfettered. Any challenge to the status quo was met with allegations of witch hunts by conservatives and slurs of McCarthyism. And, ever since, Hollywood liberals have depicted themselves as victims endlessly fighting fascistic, narrow-minded and hypocritical philistines. Such movies as The Way We Were (1973); The Front (1976); Marathon Man (1976); Guilty By Suspicion (1991); The Majestic (2001); and Trumbo (2015) all present one-sided depictions of the 1950s Red Scare. At least the Coen brothers tweaked Hollywood communists as useful and inept idiots in Hail, Caesar! (2015). Turner Classic Movies earlier this year even spent a month spotlighting movies made by blacklisted writers, actors and directors as well as several overheated documentaries and side commentaries by host Ben Mankiewicz – both presuming the complete innocence and benign intent of everyone brought before HUAC.

There are shelves full of books dealing with the topic, Frankel’s being among the most recent. It’s long been speculated that High Noon screenwriter Carl Foreman – who received an Academy Award for his efforts – based his story on his own fears of HUAC, which eventually became realized once production of the film began. That explanation holds for those willing to see in Gary Cooper’s Oscar-winning portrayal of Marshal Will Kane a depiction of a man unfairly forced to go it alone against the forces of evil after cowardice infects his fellow townsmen. At least that’s what Foreman seemingly told anyone who would listen in the decades after the film was recognized as a cinematic classic and Foreman was forced to move to London temporarily in order to find work. High Noon supporting actor Lloyd Bridges also found his past membership in the CPUSA a major roadblock in his career.

Trouble is, the allegorical premise Foreman allegedly intended for his screenplay doesn’t necessarily square with its intended target; therefore rendering Frankel’s central thesis more or less a vague and bitter hypothesis perpetrated by Foreman and perpetuated by Frankel for publicity and sales. Other films having nothing to do with HUAC attained classic status by reworking the same premise as High Noon, including those identified by Frankel and familiar to any self-professed film geek. For example, Spencer Tracy in John Sturges’ Bad Day at Black Rock (1955) and Tom Scofield as Sir Thomas More in Fred Zinnemann’s adaptation of Robert Bolt’s A Man for All Seasons (1966) both cover the same territory of one man left alone to fend for himself. Coincidentally, Zinnemann won Oscars for directing both High Noon and A Man for All Seasons. It should be added that, as Cooper’s battle with Frank Miller’s gang relied on the help of Grace Kelly, Henry Fonda had Henry Morgan to assist his fight against mob justice in The Ox-Bow Incident (1943). Further, the script won an Academy Award for Best-Adaptation from another source, which, in this case, was the 1947 short story “The Tin Star” by John M. Cunningham. There truly is nothing thematically new under the Noon sun, to misquote Ecclesiastes.

Hadleyville hypocrites

However, notes Frankel, the film did have its detractors. Right-wing actor John Wayne, for one, was outspokenly dismayed about the scene in which Will Kane attempts to recruit a posse during services in the Hadleyville church. Marshal Kane is at first upbraided by Minister Mahin (Morgan Farley) for possessing the audacity to show up in a church seeking assistance on the same day Kane was married elsewhere in a civil ceremony. Afterwards, Dr. Mahin apologizes and gives the floor to Kane, who quickly enlists a group of able volunteers. Their support fades, however, during a speech by Mayor Jonas Henderson (Mitchell), in which he pronounces bloodshed in the streets of Hadleyville will negatively impact outside investment in the town. This prompts Mahin to conclude in a manner familiar to students of socialist realism: “The commandments say ‘Thou shalt not kill,’ but we hire men to go out and do it for us. The right and the wrong seem pretty clear here. But if you’re asking me to tell my people to go out and kill and maybe get themselves killed, I’m sorry. I don’t know what to say. I’m sorry.” In other words, religion does nothing to inspire true heroism but only hypocrisy, and monetary concerns are paramount.

Compare the mayor’s speech with what Howland Chamberlain’s hotel clerk tells Amy Fowler Kane (Grace Kelly). The clerk’s sneering disdain for Kane is explained by law and order being bad for a hotel business presumably reliant on illicit activities. Here, the capitalist smear is not hypocrisy but greed. Coincidentally (or not), Chamberlain’s hostile testimony before HUAC resulted in High Noon being his last cinematic performance for 25 years. Such was Wayne’s rancor; he and director Howard Hawks allegedly created Rio Bravo (1959) as a rebuttal with not only one but two crooners on the soundtrack as well as performing in the film itself: Rick Nelson and Dean Martin. Take that, Tex Ritter!

The Mythic Western

The Duke may have been correct that High Noon grants short shrift to the American ways of faith and prosperity. The mythopoeticized American West is a blank canvas on which contemporary artists may project their social views for the public to both interpret and react accordingly or simply ignore. My preference is to view the town of Hadleyville in much the same way as, say, David Milch’s eponymous town in Deadwood. In that series, the Wild West was a laboratory for spontaneous order in which the rule of law and ethical behavior organically evolve following an initial burst of unregulated financial activity.

Fortunately, however, Frankel’s analysis of High Noon is actually two books in one. The far more interesting and enlightening story is a How It’s Made tale of a much-beloved Best Picture Academy Award winner. Frankel excels at recreating the artistic rumpus that resulted in the collaborative effort between Foreman, Cooper, Zinnemann, studio boss Stanley Kramer, composer and songwriter Dimitri Tiomkin (also an Oscar winner for his efforts) and a remarkable supporting cast of Hollywood veterans (Lon Chaney, Jr., Thomas Mitchell and Morgan) and newbies (Bridges, Kelly, Katy Jurado and Lee Van Cleef). Readers may come to Frankel for the communist controversy, but they’ll be far more engaged by the creative analysis of one of Hollywood’s most beloved films.

So, forgive me if I go it alone against Frankel, Foreman, Criterion and Ben Mankiewicz by refusing to buy into the whole revisionist High Noon anti-HUAC and “politically resonant” megillah. I’d rather help Grace Kelly onto the buckboard, grab the reins of the wagon, and ride out of Hadleyville with the knowledge Hollywood can make great movies without exaggerating the politics of their histories.

About the author:
*Bruce Edward Walker
, a Michigan-based writer, writes frequently on the arts and other topics for the Acton Institute.

Source:

This article was published by the Acton Institute.

Insolvency And Bankruptcy Code In India: Urgent Need To Quicken The Process – OpEd

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It is now more than a year since Insolvency Bankruptcy Code (IBC) was promulgated by Government of India. Thereafter, Reserve Bank of India recommended 12 large bad loan accounts for resolution under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC).

The twelve large defaulter accounts referred first for insolvency proceedings by the Reserve of India include Electrosteel Steels Ltd, ABG Shipyard, Amtek Auto, Jyoti Structures, Essar Steel and Jaypee Infratech and these companies cumulatively owe over Rs.2.7 lakh crore in bad loans to the banks and financial institutions.

As per IBC, the corporate insolvency proceeding has to be resolved within 180 to 270 days. The dead line for the above 12 large defaulter companies is now clearly over. Unfortunately, there seem to be no concluded and finalised resolution plan for these 12 defaulter accounts so far.

More defaulter accounts have been identified now and their cases are being taken up.

In at least five of the insolvency cases, the National Company Law Tribunal – where insolvency matters are heard – has approved the extension of the timeline.

As the stipulated timeline is not being observed strictly, euphoria originally generated by the IBC is now facing threat of being blown away.

Can IBC be a game changer?

When IBC was promulgated it received public support and was expected to do a lot of good to improve the methodologies of debt financing and recovery by the banks. IBC forced the sick companies who default in debt to go to the National Company Law Tribunal , IBC ensured that the promoters of the debt ridden firms can not get away without returning the loan. In case of unresolved debt issue, the owners lose the ownership rights of their enterprises.

Day after day. advertisements are seen in the press from sick and stressed companies seeking services of resolution professional.

Certainly, IBC can be a game changer in India

It was expected that IBC would pave way for resolving bad loan issues to help banks to recover their money and for handing over the sick companies to the better and more eligible owners. It was thought that IBC would clean up the slate.

However, smooth proceedings of National Company Law Tribunal are being thwarted by the promoters of loan defaulting companies, who resist their companies being taken over by others or going into insolvency proceedings, They adopt several tactics to delay the resolution process and seem to be successful to some extent, as seen till now.

Delaying the process – Case study of Bhushan Steel

Bhushan Steel has 5.6 million tonne per annum steel-making capacity

National Company Law Tribunal accorded approval to Tata Steel’s resolution plan for taking over Bhushan Steel. It dismissed a plea filed by the employees of the troubled company opposing Tata Steel’s bid and imposed a fine of Rs 1 lakh on them. The tribunal also dismissed Larsen and Toubro’s plea which had sought a higher priority in recovery of loan and imposed a fine of Rs 1 lakh on it also. A plea by Bhushan Energy to continue its power purchase agreement with Bhushan Steel was also rejected.

However, a day after the National Company Law Tribunal approved the TataSteel’s resolution plan for taking over Bhushan Steel, a aggrieved promoter of the debt laden firm moved the appellate tribunal challenging the NCLT order.

The uncertainty facing Bhushan Steel is continuing.

Delaying the process – Case study of Electrosteel Steels Ltd

The Kolkata bench of the National Company Law Appellate Tribunal (NCLAT) had approved the resolution plan of the Anil Agarwal led company for debt ridden company Electrosteel Steels Ltd, endorsing the view of the committee of creditors (CoC). The creditors had approved the bid of Vedanta on March 29, 2018.

However, National Company Law Appellate Tribunal (NCLAT) has admitted a petition by Renaissance Steel’s challenging the eligibility of Vedanta in the Electrosteel Steels (ESL) insolvency process . The case is being heard and the uncertainty is continuing.

Urgent need to quicken the process

Just like in the case of Bhushan Steel and Electrosteel Steels Ltd, there are so many other cases such as Essar Steel, wh ich have been subjected to prolonged delay in finalizing and freezing the resolution plans , due to the promoters creating problems by raising objections for the resolution plans. As a result, well intended objective of IBC is not being realized in quick time.

It is very important that Government of India should immediately look into the proceedings and progress of several cases now being handled by National Company Law Tribunal and streamline the procedures to quicken the process, to avoid counterproductive delays.

This is a matter of high priority , to ensure that the objective of the much needed IBC would be well realized.

Avoid liquidation to the extent possible

In the case of some debt ridden companies, the resolution professional has recommended liquidation of the unit ,in case of the inability to finalise the resolution plan within the stipulated data.

Liquidation move – Case study of Adhunik Metaliks

Bankruptcy proceedings against Adhunik Metaliks, its subsidiary Orissa Manganese & Minerals and group companies Zion Steel and Adhunik Alloys & Power, were admitted by the Kolkata bench of NCLT in August 2017. The insolvency petition had been filed by State Bank of India (SBI).over non-payment of loan worth about Rs 940 crore by Orissa Manganese & Minerals (OMML) and Rs 812 crore by Adhunik Metaliks (AML).

Apart from the UK-based Liberty House, there was only one resolution applicant for Adhunik Metaliks. Howevever, it was decided that Liberty House’s resolution plan may be ineligible under Section 29A of Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), for whatever reasons.

Adhunik Metaliks, the flagship of the Adhunik Group, could be staring at liquidation soon, as no resolution plan for the insolvent company has been approved till date. For the company, the mandated 270-day deadline under the corporate insolvency resolution process (CIRP) l ended on April 29,2018.

Liquidation move – Case study of Nagarjuna Oil Corporation

Four bidders, including the public sector Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd (BPCL), showed interest. In taking over the Nagarjuna Oil Corporation in Tamil Nadu. This petroleum refinery project involving an investment of around Rs.15000 crores, now remain stranded due to fund constraints.

Considering that the company had debt of over Rs.8000 crore, further investments required and the long term economic prospects for the project, the bidders submitted their bids. But these bids were lower than the Rs.1450 crore set as the minimum valuation by the Resolution Professional (RP). Therefore, all the bids were rejected.

No one benefited by liquidation

In cases such as above, it is seen that there have been no want of bidders, but the resolution plan of the bidders have been rejected due to one reason or the other,

The desirable aim of the IBC should be to ensure that the units would be revived and the debt would be realized by the lenders to the extent possible.

Instead of reviving the units, liquidating the units, really serve no purpose and does not benefit the lenders or the units. Why not accept the best bid and move on?

Europe Has Potential To Preserve JCPOA, But Does It Have Political Will As Well? – OpEd

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Rahman Qahremanpour
Researcher in International Relations

Q: What measures can Europe take to preserve the nuclear deal with Iran known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)? To what extent do you believe that such measures would be effective?

A: In fact, the European Union and countries like Germany, France, Britain and other countries like Britain possess good technical, trade and economic potentialities, which if it is combined with the necessary political will and if they are determined to take real steps to preserve the JCPOA, this goal could be achieved. For example, the least that these counties can do is to provide grounds for small enterprises, which are not very much dependent on the United States and their products do not contain sensitive American-made parts, to cooperate with Iran. At any rate, I must point out the reality that materialization of Europe’s political will in the real world will not be possible without due attention to long-term, complicated and vast relations that Europe has with the United States. Assessment and feasibility of applying this will in practice depends on the type of relations that Europe has with the United States. It is in this stage that when the United States is added to this equation as a variable, we reach the conclusion that in practice, Europe cannot do much to preserve the JCPOA and the most important step that European countries can take is to fully cooperate with Iran in those fields where they have full power. At any rate, I think that cooperation in these fields will be discussed during any forthcoming negotiations and it will be naturally made clear to what extent Europe means to take advantage of its potentialities to preserve the JCPOA.

Q: In your opinion, what other demands may Europe put to Iran apart from continuation of its commitments as per the JCPOA, and what do you think about a possible response from Iran?

A: This is an important and interesting question. In my opinion, when it comes to Iran staying in the JCPOA, European countries have demanded one issue from Iran clearly and another issue indirectly. The issue that they have clearly requested from Iran is the need for European countries and Iran to reach an agreement outside the limits of the JCPOA on the Islamic Republic of Iran’s missile program. And the issue that they have asked indirectly is about Iran’s regional role, and it is in this case that unlike the first case, their positions are not clear enough. What Western countries want is that Iran should either engage in negotiations with the European Union over major regional issues such as the crises in Syria and Yemen, or play a role in reducing tensions in the region. No clear information has been so far released on the demands of European countries in this regard. Of course, other issues, including the situation of human rights in Iran, have existed since years ago as sticking points between Iran and Europe. At the present time, however, these issues are not among priorities for the European Union and Iran, for its part, has not accepted to negotiate them. Now, it is noteworthy that Iran is under no binding legal obligation to restrict its missile activities, and unlike the nuclear program, there are no international treaties to demand this. What is called as the “Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) is not considered as a binding treaty at international level. Therefore, Iran does not see itself bound to give a legal response to this request from Europe. What is felt to exist right now is that there is currently no decision on the part of Iran to discuss the issue of restricting the country’s missile program with Europe.

Q: Given the discourse-based gap that exists between Europe and the United States with regard to the JCPOA, what is your opinion about the future outlook of transatlantic relations in view of the relations that each side has with Iran?

A: In my opinion, there is nothing new about transatlantic gap. In 2003, that is two years after terrorist attacks on the US soil on September 11, 2001, we saw the most serious gap in transatlantic relations when Germany and France clearly opposed the United States’ invasion of Iraq. In reality, however, there is the closest convergence and relationship imaginable between the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean in various areas, especially in the fields of economy and trade as well as defense and even culture. The coordination and harmony seen between the United States and Europe has no parallel anywhere else in the world. Therefore, American strategists believe that transatlantic gap cannot continue to exist and must be remedied. A few years ago, Henry Kissinger wrote a paper on Germany just at the time that this country had taken an independent approach. In that paper, he said that it was possible for Germany to emerge as the most serious rival for the United States in Europe and urged Washington to pay close attention to this challenge. One can say that transatlantic gap is created, but it does not continue. As for the JCPOA, this gap will continue for a number of months according to conditions, but the reality is that Europe cannot survive for long in the presence of this gap, because this gap can also extend to military and security domains. When it comes to fighting terrorism and extremism and also when faced with the threat posed to them by Russia, European countries are heavily depended on the American intelligence and technology within framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This is an undeniable reality that Europe needs the United States in many fields. Therefore, transatlantic gap cannot last and the two sides will continue to cooperate closely after a period of at most a year. It is also noteworthy that any difference in viewpoints does not necessarily mean that a gap exists between the two sides. The reality, however, is that when it comes to the issue of the JCPOA, these differences are extraordinary and have gone beyond normal limits, so that some observers and analysts have reached the conclusion that a gap exists in transatlantic relations.

Interviewer: Ramin Nadimi
Expert in Defense and Military Affairs

Where Are The Women In Armenia’s Revolution?

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By Sara Khojoyan

Women had a highly visible role in the peaceful protests that unseated Armenian premier Serzh Sargsyan last month, with female activists seen on the barricades and setting up the roadblocks in demonstrations that brought the capital Yerevan to a standstill.

But those who hoped that this level of involvement would lead to a new government with a fairer gender balance have been disappointed.

The journalist-turned-politician who led the protests, Nikol Pashinyan, promised the National Assembly on May 8 he would ensure proper representation for women, who he acknowledged “played a major role” in unseating Sargsyan and the ruling Republican party.

“We need to create equal opportunities for all women to continue being part of political decisions in the new Armenia,” Pashinyan said.

Some hailed this as a historic speech, the first time in Armenia’s history when a prime minister had highlighted the role of women in the country’s future success.

However, just a few days later, Pashinyan warned that that there would in fact be few female politicians in his cabinet due to an agreement he had reached to share positions amongst a number of other parties.

Indeed, only two of the new government’s 17 ministers – for culture and for labour and social affairs – are women. All three deputy prime ministers are all men.

The extraordinary events that led to the fall of the government began on March 30, when Pashinyan began walking from Armenia’s second city Gyumri to Yerevan with the stated intention to bring down Sargsyan and his Republican party after more than 20 years’ rule.

Although Pashinyan was met by only a few thousand supporters in Yerevan on April 13, many more flooded the capital four days later when Sargsyan was re-elected as prime minister by a parliamentary vote. The streets were filled with tens of thousands of people angry over corruption and political reform that seemed calculated to concentrate power in the hands of a select few. Sargsyan resigned on April 23.

A handful of women were among those addressing the crowds gathered at Republic Square. The first was Maria Karapetyan, development director of the Imagine Centre of Conflict Transformation.

“I want to address my sisters who stand together, hand in hand and fought a double fight for the change of power in Armenia and for their equal rights in public. Long live sisters!” she told the crowds.

But although there was a high level of female involvement in the protests, they made up a far less visible part of the protest movement’s leadership.

This was the subject of much discussion on social media during the so-called velvet revolution, and there were hopes that the country’s new leadership would reflect a fresh approach to inclusion.

Ashot Khurshudyan, an economic expert at Yerevan’s International Centre of Human Development, said that it was important to note that, although the public speeches were dominated by men, the extent of female participation in the protests was unprecedented.

“Women are the most neglected part of our society. And these demonstrations are a signal not only to the system of governance but to the entire society that we have an able part of society which is alienated,” he said.

Armenia is still a patriarchal society where women are expected to conform to certain gender roles. It is ranked 97 out of 144 countries by the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2017. Armenian women lack access to political empowerment, making up around 17 per cent of the country’s parliament, with 18 female MPs out of 105.

There are no female governors or mayors anywhere in the country.

Barely two per cent of those with leadership roles in rural communities are women, according to a study carried out by academic Ruzanna Tsaturyan.

“In political discourse, women were viewed in reproductive roles typical for a patriarchal society,” she said. “Their child-bearing and maternal functions were emphasised. Women were presented in sexist and stereotypical feminine models in politician’s speeches. These texts were identical and one-dimensional,” Tsaturyan concluded.

Many female civil society activists who played a key role during the protests say that they are disappointed with how little the political culture has changed.

Lara Aharonian, the founder and manager of Yerevan’s Women’s Resource Centre, spent many days in April on the street protesting and was even detained at one point.

She said that as the role of women in social change had long been minimised in Armenian culture, Pashinyan’s public address marked a significant step forward.

“Women were active for years over many issues – environment, issues in the army or women’s rights and etc. And it was the first time that women’s role in all the fights was acknowledged.”

Nonetheless, Aharonian noted, “His speech doesn’t mean we have reached our aims. There is still a long fight ahead to change the patriarchal values that almost everyone in Armenia has. Maybe with this new government, our chances to reach our goals have increased.”

Some have played down the gender imbalance in the new government. Political analyst Hrant Ter-Abrahamyan said that this should not be seen as a major issue.

“When we start counting, we start considering women as objects, as if enough women in the cabinet will solve the gender issues,” he said, adding, “We will have women ministers and women prime ministers in Armenia, and not because of their gender but for their respective qualities.”

However others argue that the only way to fight for gender equality is to institute quotas for women in public positions.

Yerevan city council member Zara Batoyan, from Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party, also spoke from the stage in Republic Square.  She said that more needed to be done to encourage women to take a public stance.

“I was calling on women through the whole process to make speeches on stage. Women were always involved in important issues and I was happy when four of them agreed to speak on one of the days because they actually had a say,” she continued, adding, “Yes, nobody forbade or hindered them, but as we know, not stopping doesn’t mean supporting or encouraging.”

This article was published by IWPR.

China’s Coal Consumption Clouded In Mystery – Analysis

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By Michael Lelyveld

How many tons of coal did China consume last year? It’s a simple question with no simple answer, despite its critical importance to climate change.

So far, China’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) has said only that coal consumption rose 0.4 percent in 2017 from a year earlier, marking the first annual increase since 2013.

But since the NBS has not released tonnage figures for 2016, the calculation for last year remains a black box.

The unknown number of physical tons is important because China produces and consumes about half the world’s coal, making it the single largest source of man-made carbon emissions.

Climate scientists generally agree that carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions rose last year after a three-year period of little or no growth. But estimates vary, and experts warn that preliminary figures may be revised.

Trends in China have been given much of the credit, and alternately, the blame, as the government pushes cleaner energy sources like renewables and natural gas while meeting demands for economic growth and power supplies.

Last year, official economic and energy data charted the good news-bad news dichotomy as gross domestic product overshot the government’s target with a 6.8-percent growth rate.

Electricity use jumped 6.6 percent, continuing to rebound from a slump in 2015. Coal consumption rose in volume, but it fell as a percentage of total energy by 1.6 points to 60.4 percent, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) and the National Energy Administration (NEA) said.

Although coal’s share of the energy mix declined, the bullishness of consumption throughout the year drew the attention of environmentalists.

In November, a group of prominent climate scientists from the Global Carbon Project projected that energy-related CO2 would grow by two percent in 2017, thanks largely to a 3.5-percent increase in China’s emissions, driven in turn by a three-percent rise in coal use.

The forecast announced during the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Bonn, Germany drew fire from experts at the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, writing in the official English-language China Daily.

The consumption estimate was “likely to be an overestimate,” based on half-year data from the China Coal Industry Association (CCIA) and the NEA, said center director Ye Qi and research associate Jiaqi Lu in January.

The Brookings experts charged the Global Carbon Project scientists with “inappropriate use of the data sources,” concluding that coal consumption had probably increased by “around 1 percent” to 3.82 billion metric tons instead of the 3.90 billion tons implied by the scientists’ group.

The emissions rise was also likely to be “closer to 1 percent,” considerably less than the scientists’ 3.5-percent projection, the Brookings experts said, citing other NEA and NDRC data. In any case, coal consumption fell far short of the record 4.24 billion tons set in 2013, they said.

Comparisons are complicated

Calculations based on the announced NBS growth rates and the last annual tonnage data from 2015 suggest that 2017 usage would have been lower than both estimates at 3.79 billion metric tons.

Comparisons are complicated by differing measures of consumption that rely on obscure conversion factors.

The IEA, for example, reports data in millions of tons of oil equivalent (Mtoe), allowing calculations across various forms of energy. The NBS uses millions of tons of coal equivalent (Mtce), a standard that reflects the relatively low energy content of Chinese coal.

The China Energy Group at the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory in California has listed conversion factors for the various forms of energy in a 2016 statistical report.

Philip Andrews-Speed, a China energy expert at National University of Singapore, noted that last year’s physical coal consumption can be calculated in at least two ways from the NBS data published so far.

The first is to multiply the coal equivalent data for 2016 by the reported 0.4-percent growth rate. The second is to take the coal share of total energy for 2017. Both can be converted using the factor of 0.714 to produce 3.79-3.80 billion physical tons of coal.

This is about the same result derived from applying the NBS reported growth rates for 2016 and 2017 to the last official tonnage figure for 2015. Consumption fell 4.7 percent in 2016, according to the NBS.

The variations seem minor, until one considers that the difference between the high and low estimates is about 110 million tons, because China’s consumption is so huge.

The statistical range is roughly equal to the annual consumption of major coal users like Indonesia and Australia, or about half that of Germany. Other estimates and past revisions suggest the range could be greater.

In March, the Paris-based International Energy Agency (IEA) said that China’s coal demand rose 0.3 percent last year, slightly lower than the NBS consumption rate and considerably less than both the Brookings and the Global Carbon Project estimates.

The IEA found that global energy-related CO2 emissions increased 1.4 percent, reaching a record high of 32.5 billion tons in 2017. The figure did not appear to be directly comparable with totals from the Global Carbon Project, which had already reported higher CO2 of over 36 billion tons for 2016.

Jan Ivar Korsbakken, a climate scientist and member of the Global Carbon Project, said the variations in last year’s coal estimates are slight compared with some of China’s major statistical revisions in the past.

“The uncertainty in China’s coal data certainly creates some challenges for assessing global emissions with pinpoint accuracy,” said Korsbakken, a senior researcher at Norway’s Center for International Climate Research (CICERO). “But it’s a minor nuisance in the grand scale of things.”

The differences in the 2017 estimates are equal to “less than 1 percent of global emissions.” Korsbakken said by email. “It doesn’t flip us from one type of climate scenario to another.”

“The real challenge looking ahead is that nobody, perhaps not even the Chinese authorities, knows for sure exactly what China will do policy-wise with economic stimulus, transition from heavy industry to services and domestic consumption, or environmental regulations, or how fast they will do it,” he said.

Why the mystery?

But the question remains why China makes such a mystery of its coal data, and why it just doesn’t report estimates in physical tons.

David Fridley, staff scientist at the Berkeley Lab’s China Energy Group, said that the NBS energy data reported in February are only preliminary numbers that go through a series of revisions.

The final physical tonnage numbers are reported annually in the China Energy Statistical Yearbook with a lag time of 18 to 20 months after the end of each year. Numbers are also published in the annual statistical section of the NBS website, but these may be at odds with those in the yearbook.

Unannounced annual revisions may also upset calculations based on prior years.

Fridley noted that the big 4.7 percent drop in consumption reported for 2016 may be only about 1.3 percent due to revisions.

While significant for emissions calculations, the unannounced adjustments pale in comparison to major corrections, like the double-digit retroactive revision that NBS made in 2015 to compensate for undercounting.

That adjustment, made after a five-year economic census, caused scientists to raise emissions estimates by over 1 billion tons of carbon per year.

“In some of the years in question, it was like suddenly having an extra Germany added to global emission numbers,” Korsbakken said.

The five-year revisions may do little to resolve the year- to-year uncertainties over consumption estimates.

The heat content of China’s coal remains a major wild card because the energy estimate can change annually. Calculations based on current Mtce data and past heat content assumptions can produce variations of well over 100 million tons.

“Of course, this makes problems for people trying to estimate CO2 emissions, but no country in the world can provide an accurate reporting on their energy consumption and CO2 emissions just months after the year ended,” Fridley said.

Long delays may be especially prevalent in the case of resource industries as sprawling as China’s. The government counted as many as 500,000 small coal mines when reforms started in the 1990s and now officially recognizes fewer than 5,000 operations, either producing or under construction.

“I wouldn’t ascribe anything nefarious to this. The data system is actually better than it used to be,” Fridley said.

Playing the game

Still, it may be tempting to see other reasons for not reporting physical tonnage estimates, even if they are only preliminary. The “Mtce” coal equivalent numbers look a lot lower than the physical tonnage data, drawing less attention to China’s role in global emissions.

Consumption of 2.7 billion tons of coal equivalent certainly sounds less than 3.8 billion tons of physical coal.

While the statisticians may not be playing this game, there are signs that China’s official press avoids reporting the tonnage figures, even when government agencies make them available.

On April 24, NEA officials held a press conference in Beijing to report energy results for the first quarter. Although the coal data remained incomplete, the figures for January and February showed a marked increase in consumption, far higher than the 0.4-percent growth rate for last year.

“In the first two months, the national coal consumption was about 600 million tons, an increase of 4.2 percent year- on-year,” said Li Fulong, director of the NEA Department of Planning and Development.

The official Xinhua news agency report from the conference on the same day included consumption data for electricity, oil and gas, but no mention of coal, China’s largest energy source.

The coverage seems to be a sign of sensitivity on the subject of how much coal China is burning, but whether the reticence is reflected in NBS reporting of physical tonnage remains to be seen.

“The benign explanation is that there are so many different types of coal in China that it is better for statistical and policy purposes to give a single number in terms for equivalence,” Andrews-Speed said.

Venezuela: Maduro Celebrates Re-Election

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When the results were released, Maduro’s supporters gathered outside his Miraflores presidential palace in downtown Caracas, celebrating his re-election with fireworks.

Maduro, surrounded by thousands of his supporters, also hailed his “popular victory,” saying, “This was a historic day! The day of a heroic victory! The day of a beautiful victory – of a truly popular victory.”

“Never before has a presidential candidate taken 68 percent of the popular vote,” he told the cheering crowd.

“The whole of Venezuela has triumphed! Democracy has triumphed! Peace has triumphed! Constitutionality has triumphed [These were] elections that were constitutional, legitimate and legal,” he said. “We have a president of the people! A working president!”

The president also called on the defeated challengers to join him for negotiations about the future of the country.

He said “permanent dialog” is needed with the entire opposition so that Venezuela could set aside political disputes.

However, before the official results were announced, Falcon said he would not recognize the vote for what he called irregularities, including widespread vote buying in favor of Maduro.

“As far as we are concerned there has been no election. There must be new elections in Venezuela,” he told reporters. “The process undoubtedly lacks legitimacy and as such we do not recognize it.”

Falcon, who broke with an opposition boycott to run for the election, also called for a fresh election to be held in November or December.

Several of Venezuela’s Latin American neighbors as well as the European Union also joined voices with Maduro’s challenger and said they would not recognize the results of the election.

They alleged that the conditions did not exist for the election to be free and fair.

Original source

Iran Faces ‘Strongest Sanctions In History’

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The US told Iran on Monday to drop its nuclear ambitions and pull out of the Syrian civil war in a list of demands that marked a new hard-line against Tehran and prompted an Iranian official to warn that Washington seeks regime change.

Weeks after US President Donald Trump pulled out of an international nuclear deal with Iran, his administration threatened to impose “the strongest sanctions in history,” setting Washington and Tehran on a deeper course of confrontation.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo demanded sweeping changes that would force Iran effectively to reverse years of its foreign policies.

“The sting of sanctions will only grow more painful if the regime does not change course from the unacceptable and unproductive path it has chosen for itself and the people of Iran,” Pompeo said in his first major speech since becoming secretary of state.

“These will be the strongest sanctions in history by the time we are done,” he added.

Pompeo took aim at Iran’s policy of expanding its influence in the Middle East through support for proxy armed groups in countries such as Syria, Lebanon and Yemen.

He warned that the US would “crush” Iranian operatives and allies abroad and told Tehran to pull out forces under its command from the Syrian civil war where they back President Bashar Assad.

Iran is unlikely to accede to the US demands. Tension between the two countries has grown notably since Trump this month withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement aimed at preventing Tehran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

Pompeo warned that if Iran fully resumed its nuclear program Washington would be ready to respond and said the administration would hold companies doing prohibited business in Iran to account.

“Our demands on Iran are not unreasonable: Give up your program,” Pompeo said, “Should they choose to go back, should they begin to enrich, we are fully prepared to respond to that as well,” he said, declining to elaborate.

Pompeo said if Iran made major changes, the US was prepared to ease sanctions, re-establish full diplomatic and commercial relations and support the country’s re-integration into the international economic system.

The speech did not explicitly call for regime change but Pompeo repeatedly urged the Iranian people not to put up with their leaders, specifically naming President Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif.

“At the end of the day the Iranian people will get to make a choice about their leadership. If they make the decision quickly, that would be wonderful, if they choose not to do so we will stay hard at this until we achieve the outcomes I set forward,” said Pompeo.


Nasser’s Legacy Of No Value To Egypt’s Youth – OpEd

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By Mohammed Nosseir*

Arguing with an Egyptian “Nasserist” about late President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s legacy is a true waste of time and energy. Nasser ruled Egypt from 1956 to 1970 and his legacy lies in the strong admirers he left behind, who tend to blindly defend all his decisions, disregarding the damage his policies wreaked on many fundamental Egyptian socioeconomic issues and the deterioration of the political status of the entire Arab region (where he was, nevertheless, truly loved) during his rule.

Being an admired leader is completely different to being a capable president. Nasser, a genuinely patriotic leader, wanted to reinforce Egypt’s sovereignty, but his regional ambitions caused unintentional damage, from which we still suffer today. Although Nasser’s successors were substantially less charismatic, they added more value to Egypt than he did. Nevertheless, none of them managed to leave the emotional fingerprint that Nasser left on Egyptians.

Nasser’s “macho” ruling style was extremely well regarded by large numbers of Egyptians and Arabs, who felt that his bold attitude compensated for their suffering. Nasser temporarily raised the living standard of a segment of Egyptian laborers and farmers, but he did so at the expense of our economy, which continues to be distressed due to the state enterprises’ accumulated losses and the unproductive workforce that continues to expect to be fed by the state, as it was during Nasser’s era.

Nasser’s bullying political attitude toward many Arab and Western leaders led to our engagement in many regional political conflicts that were of no value to Egypt (other than advancing Nasser’s aspirations for heroism), as well as to the occupation of the Sinai Peninsula. If Nasser had been more of a politician and less of an intimidator, his legacy would have been of much greater value. Nonetheless, many Western politicians would love to be in Nasser’s shoes (to be adored blindly by a vast majority that works on finding plausible excuses for their faults) — but this is not feasible in light of the spread of political awareness today.

Still, Nasser’s charisma served to advance his power. Having a single state media channel through which the president could communicate with citizens, conveying whatever he liked to his people, certainly strengthened Nasser’s power significantly. Nowadays, the Egyptian state is struggling with how to deal with the multiple channels of communication over which it has no power and that wield greater influence than its own costly media channels.

Not having been exposed to his political charm, Egyptians who were born after Nasser’s era tend to judge him more rationally. Nasser’s loyal admirers are people who value loquacious bragging and pay little attention to true progress on the ground. President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi has, on occasion, mentioned that he envies Nasser’s exclusive style of rule, including media manipulation. However, if he was to apply Nasser’s ruling philosophy, El-Sisi would distance himself from young Egyptians, whose youthful dynamism is at odds with the state’s static ruling approach.

In essence, it is almost impossible to inspire today’s youth with a single leader’s ideas. The wide exposure provided by social media offers young people a variety of rich ideas that the state is not equipped to compete with. Additionally, the state’s desire to control the youth (who naturally resist being controlled) is making life more difficult for it. The present Egyptian ruling regime still hasn’t understood the mindset of today’s youth and continues to be unable to capitalize on present-day communication tools.

Nasser was quite talented in tapping into Egyptians’ emotions and expanding their feelings of patriotism and by redistributing the wealth of the rich among the less fortunate. This ruling philosophy was applied at the expense of harming our economy by nationalizing many successful private enterprises, in addition to depoliticizing the entire society. If the present-day Egyptian state wants to strengthen its ties with the youth, it needs to address them using today’s political instruments — and to completely discard Nasser’s legacy.

*Mohammed Nosseir, a liberal politician from Egypt, is a strong advocate of political participation and economic freedom. Twitter: @MohammedNosseir

Palestinians Are Unafraid And Will Never Be Subdued – OpEd

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Sixty Palestinians were killed in Gaza last Monday, simply for protesting and demanding their right of return as guaranteed by international law. That came after 50 others had been killed since March 30, the start of the “Great March of Return.” More than 10,000 have also been wounded and maimed in this time.

“Israel has the right to defend itself,” White House officials announced, paying no heed to the ludicrousness of the statement when understood within the current context of an unequal struggle. Peaceful protesters were not threatening the existence of Israel; rock-throwing kids were not about to overwhelm hundreds of Israeli snipers, who shot, killed and wounded Gazan youngsters with no legal or moral boundary whatsoever.

Eight-month-old Laila Al-Ghandour was one of those killed last week. She suffocated from Israeli tear gas. Many like her were wounded or killed despite being some distance away from the border. Some were killed for simply being nearby, or for being Palestinian.

Meanwhile, the US ushered in a new era of international relations when it unveiled its new US Embassy in Jerusalem. This was at the exact same moment that hundreds of Gazans were being felled at the border. Gaza’s already-dilapidated hospitals had no room for most of the wounded. Instead they bled in hallways awaiting medical attention.

At the border, many Gazan children have been coloring their bodies in blue paint, dressing up in homemade costumes to imitate characters from the Hollywood movie “Avatar.” They hoped that, by hiding their brown skin, their plight and suffering could be more relatable to the world. But, when they were shot, their blood gave them away. They were still human, still from Gaza.

The international community has already condemned the White House’s decision to relocate the US Embassy to Jerusalem, and declared this recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital “null and void,” but will it go further than mere words?

Will the international community remain trapped between hollow statements and no action? Will it ever truly recognize the humanity of Laila and all the other children, men and women who died and those who will continue to perish under Gaza’s besieged skies? Will it ever care enough to do something?

The plight of the Palestinians is compounded by the burden of having a useless “leadership.” The President of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, has been busy of late, demanding allegiance from the occupied Palestinians in the West Bank. Large signs and banners have been erected, with families, professional associations, unions and companies announcing, in a large font, the “renewal of loyalty and support to President Mahmoud Abbas.” Renewal? Abbas’ mandate expired in 2009. Besides, is this what Abbas and his Fatah party perceive to be the most urgent matter that needs to be addressed, while his people are being massacred?

Abbas fears that Hamas is using the blood of the Gaza victims to bolster its popularity. Ironically, it is a concern shared by Israeli leaders, including the likes of army spokesman Lt. Col. Jonathan Conricus, who said that Hamas had won the PR war at the Gaza border by a “knockout.”

This propaganda is as false as it is utterly racist, yet it has persisted for far too long. It proposes that Palestinians and Arabs lack human agency; they are incapable of mobilizing and organizing their collective efforts to demand their long-denied rights; they are only pawns, puppets in the hands of factions, to be sacrificed at the altar of public relations.

It did not dawn on Conricus to note that perhaps his army lost the “PR war” because its brutes shot thousands of unarmed civilians, who did nothing aside from gather at the border demanding an end to their perpetual siege. Or that, just maybe, it was lost because Israel’s leaders proudly announced that Gazans are fair game, with Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman saying: “There are no innocents in Gaza.”

Palestinian resistance is fueled by the sacrifices of the Palestinians themselves, and by the blood of Laila, who was denied even a celebration of her first birthday on this besieged earth.

The US government has decisively and blatantly moved to the wrong side of history. As its officials attended parties, galas and celebrations of the embassy move, whether in Israel or in Washington or elsewhere, Palestinians dug 60 more graves and held 60 more funerals.

The world watched in horror, and even the Western media failed to hide the full, ugly truth from its readers. The two acts — of lavish parties and heartbreaking burials — were beamed all over the world, and the already struggling American reputation sank deeper and deeper.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may have thought he had won. Comforted by his right-wing government and society on the one hand, and the US and its angry UN bully Nikki Haley on the other, he feels invulnerable.

But he should rethink his power-driven logic. When Gazan youths stood bare-chested at the border fence, falling one after the other, they crossed a fear barrier that no generation of Palestinians has ever crossed. And, when people are unafraid, they can never be subdued or defeated.

Widespread Ocean Anoxia As Cause For Past Mass Extinction

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For decades, scientists have conducted research centered around the five major mass extinctions that have shaped the world we live in. The extinctions date back more than 450 million years with the Late Ordovician Mass Extinction to the deadliest extinction, the Late Permian extinction 250 million years ago that wiped out over 90 percent of species.

Over the years, scientists have figured out the main causes of the mass extinctions, which include massive volcanic eruptions, global warming, asteroid collisions, and acidic oceans as likely culprits. Other factors sure to play part include methane eruptions and marine anoxic events – when oceans lose life-supporting oxygen.

The events that triggered the Late Ordovician Mass Extinction or LOME of marine animals and plants has largely remained a mystery until now. The Ordovician was a dynamic time interval in Earth history that recorded a major increase in marine biologic diversity and a greenhouse-to-icehouse climatic transition. Researchers believe this cooling period, which culminated in the first Phanerozoic glaciation led to the Late Ordovician Mass Extinction.

Now a team of researchers, including Maya Elrick at The University of New Mexico, Elrick’s former master’s student Rick Bartlett, now earning his doctorate at Louisiana State University, James Wheeley from the University of Birmingham (England) and the University of Ottawa’s Andre Desrochers, have deciphered geochemical evidence left behind in marine limestone sediment that suggests this extinction was caused by a period of global cooling that created a global marine anoxic event.

The research, “Abrupt global-ocean anoxia during Late Ordovician-early Silurian detected using uranium isotopes of marine carbonates,” was published today in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS). It was supported, in part, through a three-year, $680,000 National Science Foundation grant.

“This extinction is the first of the ‘big five’ extinctions that hit the Earth and our research indicates that it was coincident with the abrupt development of widespread ocean anoxia that lasted for at least 1 million years,” said Elrick.

Working with an international crew, Elrick and her team travelled to Anticosti Island in the St. Lawrence seaway of Quebec, Canada where they collected limestone rock samples. The returned samples were analyzed for uranium isotopes using a mass spectrometer housed in the UNM Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences. Results from the study indicate that abrupt and widespread marine anoxia occurred at the same time 85 percent of marine life went extinct.

“These results provided the first evidence for abrupt global ocean anoxia initiating and continuing through peak and waning glacial conditions,” Elrick said. “We suggest that the anoxia was driven by global cooling which reorganized large-scale ocean circulation and led to decreased deep-ocean oxygenation and, enhanced nutrient fluxes, which caused phytoplankton blooms and expanded the areas of low oxygen concentrations. These results also provide the first evidence for widespread ocean anoxia initiating and continuing during glacial conditions.”

Elrick and Bartlett’s research is the first study of this type that uses a geochemical proxy (uranium isotopes) which integrates the entire ocean oxygen concentration. The results agree with what other scientists had been saying before, although the earlier studies were assessing only local oxygen concentrations rather than globally integrated concentrations. Further, Elrick and her team are modeling global ocean oxygen concentrations to evaluate how much of the seafloor went anoxic during the Late Ordovician extinction.

The team compared conditions 450 million years ago to those of today and determined that about there was about a 15 percent increase in anoxic seafloor during the Late Ordovician mass extinction. The modern ocean has less than a half a percent of seafloor that is anoxic (mainly the Black Sea), so a 15 percent increase in seafloor anoxia is quite significant.

“Anticosti Island is the best natural laboratory in the World for studying fossils and sedimentary strata dating from the first mass extinction nearly 445 million years ago. The island is now awaiting recognition at the UNESCO World Heritage program because of its exceptional geology and paleontology,” said the University of Ottawa’s Andre Desrochers.

Elrick is also studying three of the other ‘big five’ mass extinctions using uranium isotopes as oxygenation proxy.

“So far each of them have widespread anoxia associated with them, so we are finding that low seawater oxygen concentrations is a major killer,” Elrick said

These results for the past ‘big five’ mass extinctions have implications for the modern extinction our planet is presently experiencing.

“We are warming and acidifying the oceans today and warmer oceans hold less and less oxygen. Some marine organisms can handle the heat and the acidity, but not the lack of oxygen” Elrick said. “All these things are happening today and the results from the Late Ordovician study indicate the potential severity of marine anoxia as an extinction driver for many of the past and ongoing biologic extinction events.”

India: Badly Battered ‘Division’ And Maoists – Analysis

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By Deepak Kumar Nayak*

On May 14, 2018, a Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadre was killed in an encounter with Police at Sudukumpa Reserve Forest in the Kandhamal District of Odisha State. The slain Maoist, who is yet to be identified, was reportedly active in the ‘Kandhamal-Kalahandi-Boudh-Nayagarh (KKBN) division’ of the CPI-Maoist in the State. Police recovered 11 rifles, ammunition, and Maoist literature from the encounter site.

On May 13, 2018, four CPI-Maoist cadres, including two women, were killed during an exchange of fire with the Police at Golanki village under Kandhamal Sadar Police Station limits. One of the four slain Maoists was identified as Sankar Majhi (37), reportedly the leader of the ‘KKBN division’. He carried a reward of INR 500,000 on his head. Identities of the three other slain Maoists are yet to be ascertained. Police recovered eight weapons, including an AK-47 and an INSAS (Indian Small Arms System) assault rifle, from the spot.

On February 16, 2018, CPI-Maoist cadres killed a civil contractor, identified as Shiba Shankar Dash aka Tunu Dash, at a site near Paji Bahali under Bijepur Police limits in Kalahandi District. The brother of the deceased, Ramashankar Das, stated, “The armed miscreants came and asked Shivashankar for payment. He told them to get money from his clerk. They fired six rounds at him.”

According to partial data collated by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), the ‘KKBN division’ has accounted for at least six Maoist-linked fatalities (one civilian and five Maoists) in the current year, thus far (data till May 20, 2018). During the corresponding period in 2017, the ‘division’ had recorded one fatality (civilian). Maoist-linked fatalities in the area stood at six [three civilians, one Security Force (SF) trooper, and two Maoists] through 2017.

Since 2008, the ‘KKBN division’ has recorded 98 fatalities (38 civilians, 21 SF personnel, and 39 Maoists, data till May 20, 2018). The first fatality in the ‘division’ was recorded on February 15, 2008. 14 Police personnel and a civilian were killed, and four policemen wounded, when around 500 heavily armed CPI-Maoist cadres carried out a coordinated attack targeting a Police Training School (PTS), the District armoury, and District Police Station near Daspalla in the Nayagarh District. During this period (February 15, 2008, and May 20, 2018), Odisha accounted for a total of 712 fatalities (310 civilians, 189 SF personnel, and 213 Maoists). Thus, the ‘KKBN division’ alone accounted for 13.76 per cent of total-Maoist linked fatalities recorded in Odisha.

Fatalities in ‘KKBN division’ and Odisha: 2008*-2018

Year ‘KKBN division’ Odisha
Civilians SFs LWEs Total Civilians SFs LWEs Total
2008 7 14 23 44 22 76 30 128
2009 3 0 1 4 36 32 13 81
2010 6 0 0 6 62 21 25 108
2011 6 3 0 9 36 16 23 75
2012 1 3 0 4 27 19 14 60
2013 0 0 0 0 22 7 25 54
2014 0 0 0 0 31 1 9 41
2015 2 0 3 5 20 4 11 35
2016 9 0 5 14 27 3 42 72
2017 3 1 2 6 18 9 9 36
2018* 1 0 5 6 9 1 12 22
Total 38 21 39 98 310 189 213 712

Source: SATP, * Data since February 15, 2008; **Data till May 20, 2018

At least seven major incidents (each resulting in three or more fatalities), were recorded in the ‘KKBN division’ since 2008. These include:

May 13, 2018: Four CPI-Maoist cadres were killed during an exchange of fire with Police in Kandhamal District.

April 30, 2016: At least three women Maoist cadres were killed by SFs in an encounter in the Sahajkhaol Reserve Forest area of Kalahandi District.

January 5, 2012: Three constables of the Odisha Police were killed and as many injured when CPI-Maoist cadres triggered a landmine blast at Badarpanga village in the Kotagarh area of Kandhamal District.

November 27, 2010: Five persons, including two women and a three-year-old child, were killed when CPI-Maoist cadres blew up an ambulance by triggering a landmine blast near Dukulpadu in the Brahmanigaon area of Kandhamal District.

February 15, 2008: 14 Police personnel and a civilian were killed and four policemen were wounded when around 500 heavily armed CPI-Maoist cadres carried out a coordinated attack targeting a Police Training School (PTS), the District armoury, and District Police Station near Daspalla in the Nayagarh District.

February 17, 2008: At least 20 CPI-Maoist cadres, including women, were killed during a combing operation by SFs in the border area of Nayagarh District.

August 23, 2008: Five persons, including Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Swami Laxmanananda, and his four disciples, including a woman, were killed in an attack by suspected CPI-Maoist cadres on an ashram (hermitage) at Jalespata in the Kandhamal District.

In 2007, Ginugu Narasimha Reddy aka Jampanna, a member of the ‘Central Military Commission’ of the CPI-Maoist, formed the ‘KKBN division’ with an intention to strengthen the movement in Odisha. He surrendered before the Hyderabad Police in Telangana on December 22, 2017.

Though the overall security situation in the State has improved, the ‘KBKN division’ remains a challenge. Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, on December 11, 2017, stated that the Maoist situation in at least eight Districts (Malkangiri, Koraput, Kalahandi, Kandhamal, Rayagada, Bolangir, Bargarh and Angul) of the State continued to “remain challenging”, even as there has been a substantial improvements in the other Districts.

Kandhamal is among 30 Districts, across seven States, identified by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) as “worst-affected” by Maoist violence. Moreover, Kalahandi, Nayagarh, and Boudh Districts in the ‘KKBN division’ are on the list of 90 ‘affected Districts’. Boudh is among the eight new Districts, across five States, which have been added recently to the list of Districts covered under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme, as a pre-emptive step to check any attempts by Maoists to enhance their area of influence. Director General of Police (DGP), R.P. Sharma, on April 16, 2018, stated,

We have also added two districts in the list of Naxal affected districts of the State. Those are Angul and Boudh. Though no violence has taken place in Angul and Boudh, we received information about the movement of Maoists in these areas for which the two districts have been included in the Naxal affected list of the State.

All the four Districts falling under the ‘KKBN division’ – spread over a geographical area over 22,562 square kilometers – offer crucial strategic advantages to the rebels. The forest cover of the ‘division’ is 11,604 square kilometres, i.e., about 51.43 per cent of the total area. The Division is situated to the south of the State, and is surrounded mostly by currently Maoist-affected/ erstwhile Maoist-affected Districts of the State. To the south the ‘KKBN division’ shares border with Gajapati, Koraput, Nabarangpur and Rayagada; to the north, with Angul, Bolangir and Subarnapur; to the east it shares with Cuttack, Ganjam and Khordha; and to the west Nuapada and Raipur of Chhattisgarh. On September 12, 2017, after reviewing Maoist activities in the ‘KKBN division’, DGP R.P. Sharma noted, “The ultras are taking geographical advantage of Kandhamal District to expand their activities. The district is densely forested and surrounded by hills.”

Moreover, these four Districts are afflicted by relatively low standards on all human development indicators. There is widespread absence of and worsening access to healthcare, education, drinking water, sanitation and food, creating an alarming humanitarian situation. These conditions create opportunities for the Maoists. According to the “District Development and Diversity Index Report for India and Major States,” a joint survey conducted by the US-India Policy Institute (USIPI) and the Centre for Research and Debates in Development Policy (CRDDP), New Delhi, which included 599 Districts across India within its purview, all the four Districts of the ‘KKBN division’ were ranked towards the bottom: Boudh (574), Kandhamal (551), Kalahandi (548), and Nayagarh (373). The report, released on January 29, 2015, took composite development — measured in terms of economic development and indices of health, education and material well-being — into consideration. More recently, a report released by the Government of India listed Kandhamal and Kalahandi among 115 ‘backward districts’ of India. The 115 Districts were identified on the basis of select indicators of backwardness and prevalence of Left Wing Extremism. The indicators of backwardness included Poverty Rank, Health Rank, and Education Rank.

The Maoists are facing losses, both in the State (most recently, in the twin encounters on May 13-14, 2018) and across the country. At least 40 Maoists were killed in the Gadchiroli District of Maharashtra in twin encounters on April 22-23, 2018; and at least eight Maoists were eliminated in the Bijapur District of Chhattisgarh on April 27, 2018. In all, LWE groupings are struggling to retain hold in progressively shrinking areas. The ‘KKBN division’ is critical to their survival and to the continuance of their movement in Odisha, and it is imperative that SF pressures are sustained, even as the abysmal developmental deficit in the area is addressed.

*Deepak Kumar Nayak
Research Assistant, Institute for Conflict Management

Nepal: Decisive Turn – Analysis

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By S. Binodkumar Singh*

In a historic development, on May 17, 2018, two major national Left political parties – the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist-Leninist (CPN-UML) and the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist Centre (CPN-Maoist Center) – at a joint meeting held at Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli’s residence in Baluwatar, Kathmandu announced their merger and the formation of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP). The NCP announced a nine-member Central Secretariat including two Co-chairs K.P. Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal; General Secretary Bishnu Poudel; Spokesperson Narayan Kaji Shrestha; three senior leaders, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Jhala Nath Khanal and Bam Dev Gautam; and two members Ishwor Pokhrel and Ram Bahadur Thapa. The NCP will also have a 45-member Standing Committee and a 441-member Central Committee. The Standing Committee comprises 26 CPN-UML and 19 CPN-Maoist Centre members, while the Central Committee comprises 241 CPN-UML and 200 CPN-Maoist members.

Earlier, in a dramatic turn of events on October 3, 2017, the CPN-UML, CPN-Maoist Center and Naya Shakti Party-Nepal (NSP-N) had formed an electoral alliance, the Left Alliance, to contest the Provincial and Parliamentary elections held in two phases on November 26, 2017, and December 7, 2017. The three parties had also formed the Party Unification Coordination Committee (PUCC) to make preparations for their unification and had also agreed to form an inter-party panel to draft the statute of the proposed unified party. However, on October 13, 2017, NSP-N, led by former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai, quit the alliance over disputes regarding seat sharing in elections.

Meanwhile, on February 19, 2018, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist Centre signed a seven-point agreement on the modalities of unification. The next day, on February 20, 2018, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist Center formed two task forces: one for the organization of the unified party, led by CPN-Maoist Centre leader Ram Bahadur Thapa; and another for the interim political report and interim statute, led by CPN-UML senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, to expedite unification in accordance with the seven-point agreement signed between the two parties. Each of the task forces included 10 members, with five representatives from each party. Ishwore Pokharel, Bishnu Paudel, Gokarna Bista, Bedu Ram Bhusal and Raghuveer Mahaseth from CPN-UML; and Ram Bahadur Thapa, Giri Raj Mani Pokharel, Barsha Man Pun, Matrika Yadav and Janardan Sharma from CPN-Maoist Center, were included in the task force for the organization of the unified party. Similarly, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bhim Rawal, Subash Chandra Nembang, Pradeep Gyawali and Raghuji Panta of CPN-UML; and Narayan Kaji Shrestha, Dev Gurung, Shakti Basnet, Pampha Bhusal and Devendra Paudel of CPN-Maoist Center, were in the task force for the interim political report and interim statute.

The task forces were mandated to submit their reports to CPN-UML Chairman and Prime Minister K.P. Oli and CPN-Maoist Center Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal by March 9, 2018. As the two task forces failed to submit their reports, their deadline was extended until March 19, 2018. Finally, on April 3, 2018, the two task forces, during a meeting of PUCC held at the Prime Minister’s official residence in Baluwatar, Kathmandu, submitted a report incorporating suggestions to merge the two parties by April 21, 2018. During the meeting, Oli expressing his commitment to party unification, declaring, “I don’t care about what others say. We will finalize the party unification.”

Compromises on both sides made quick unification possible. During the candidate-selection process for the Provincial and Parliamentary elections, the CPN-UML and the CPN-Maoist Center had settled on a 60:40 formula, with CPN-UML nominating 60 per cent of members in all contested seats and CPN-Maoist Center nominating its candidates for the rest. But, the elections produced a rather curious result. 70 per cent were of the successful candidates were from CPN-UML and only 30 per cent from CPN-Maoist Center. The skew created some disagreements over power sharing, particularly the unified party’s guiding principle, the internal organizational structure, and post-party unification arrangements for top leaders.

While the CPN-UML offered a 40 per cent stake to the CPN-Maoist Center in the unified party, CPN-Maoist Center was demanding equal status, including the proportion of Central Committee members. CPN-Maoist Center Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, while addressing his party’s student leaders at Kathmandu on March 26, 2018, asserted, “The unification will only happen if there is equal or 50/50 share of the two parties in party committee. If not, there won’t be unification. Our party wants a dignified status in the new party.” Further, on April 27, 2018, Dahal also asked CPN-UML Chairman Oli to choose between premiership and party leadership.

A surprisingly flexible approach subsequently adopted by the heads of both sides made swift unification possible. It was a kind of give and take among the party chiefs and a commitment to move ahead in accordance with the people’s expectations. Oli softened his position and agreed to offer an almost equal number of positions to the Maoists, and the newly formed party decided to adopt dual leadership. According to the agreement worked out among top leaders, both Oli and Dahal will head the party as Co-Chairs. Oli had also agreed in principal to rotate Government leadership. Oli will lead the Government for three years and Dahal for the remaining two years. Party insiders disclosed that CPN-UML Chairman Oli’s decision to provide 45 per cent of seats in the 441-member Central Committee of the new party convinced CPN-Maoist Center Chairman Dahal to merge the parties.

Separately, on the new party’s guiding principle, the CPN-Maoist Center had been demanding “People’s Democracy for the 21st Century”, while CPN-UML sought to continue with its existing “People’s Multi-Party Democracy” (PMPD) propounded by its charismatic leader Madan Bhandari. Eventually, for the sake of uniting the parties, Oli agreed to “People’s Democracy” as the guiding principle, with a commitment to working towards socialism.

Surprisingly, Nepali Congress (NC), the main opposition party in Parliament, did not respond on this occasion. Earlier, responding to the CPN-UML move to forge the Left Alliance for the Provincial and Parliamentary elections, NC President and the then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba observed, on October 31, 2017, “The communist alliance is trying to undermine democracy. Democracy has given people all sorts of rights. But under communism people’s right to protest against injustice is usurped. There is not even right to cry in communism when there is injustice.” Similarly, NC senior leader Ram Chandra Paudel, while addressing an election rally at the Rainas Municipality in Lamjung District on November 20, 2017, stated, “Communists exercising in multi party system are trying to forge consensus to push the country toward anarchism, to stop the nation from being ruled by autocratic rules, the democratic forces should emerge victorious to safeguard democracy in the nation (sic).”

Significantly, on May 17, 2018, addressing a Press Conference organized at City Hall to make a formal announcement of party unification, NCP Chairman Dahal, stated, “The unification between CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist Centre is like forming water by combining hydrogen and oxygen. Hydrogen and oxygen cannot be separated once they turn into water.” Dahal termed the unification between the two communist forces as a ‘great step’. Similarly, Prime Minister Oli presiding over the first meeting of the NCP lawmakers at the Parliament Building in New Baneshwar, Kathmandu, on May 19, 2018, observed, “We want to project Nepal in 10 years from now as a heaven on earth crafted through the joint efforts of humans and nature. There would be a situation in which foreign tourists coming to Nepal would return home praising it.”

This historic unification has created a single political party in the country with a strong hold in Parliament and over Provincial Governments in six of the country’s seven Provinces. The newly formed NCP now has 174 members in the 275-member House of Representative (HoR), 42 members in the 59-member National Assembly (NA), and a majority in six of the seven Provincial Assemblies.

This move has created the nation’s first majority Government in 19 years. The coming together of the CPN-Maoist Centre, with its “ultra left” past, and the CPN-UML’s historically moderate stance, is a remarkable political development in a country where the communists had split dozens of times since their movement was launched 70 years ago. The unification of two communist parties as a very strong nationalist bloc will have decisive impact on the future of democracy and political stability in Nepal.

*S. Binodkumar Singh

Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management

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