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Construction Of LSST Telescope Begins In Chile

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The first stone of the future LSST telescope was laid on 14 April 2015 by the Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, at the Cerro Pachón site in the Chilean Andes.

The LSST is the result of a public-private partnership involving several research institutions worldwide, and will be equipped with the most powerful digital camera ever built, partly developed in CNRS laboratories. The 8.4-meter-diameter telescope will shed light on the nature of dark energy, which accelerates the expansion of the Universe.

The LSST will achieve first light in 2019 and will be fully operational in 2022. The 8.4-meter-diameter telescope will image the sky systematically for ten years, providing a three-dimensional film of the entire visible Universe. It will also make it possible to measure, with unprecedented accuracy, the physical quantities associated with dark matter and dark energy, with a view to deciphering the very structure of the Universe: scientists will thus be able to determine the precise position of more than 10 billion galaxies, i.e. ten thousand times more than today.

The world’s most powerful digital camera

Thanks to its 3.2 billion pixel digital camera, the most powerful in the world, and its novel three-mirror design, the LSST will enable scientists to survey a vast area of the sky that was previously inaccessible. Its design will allow it to observe moving and changing celestial objects, thus providing access to fleeting phenomena such as exploding stars and passing asteroids.

The telescope will be able to detect and catalog billions of objects throughout the Universe, observe them over time, and provide this information-more than 30 terabytes every night-to astrophysicists the world over. In addition, the digital camera will shed new light on dark energy, which researchers have determined is accelerating the expansion of the Universe. The LSST will probe the depths of the Universe, thus creating a unique database comprising billions of galaxies.

The LSST is a public-private partnership involving three countries for its construction: Chile, where the telescope will be located, the US, in particular through the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Department of Energy (DoE), and France, represented by the CNRS. The French teams are taking part in building the camera and are actively preparing to process the data provided by the telescope.

Located at an altitude of 2,700 m, the Cerro Pachón site was chosen in 2006 not only for its cloudless skies, its low level of light pollution and its dry climate but also for the presence of infrastructures related to the other two already installed large telescopes, the Gemini Sud and the Southern Astrophysical Research Telescope (SOAR).

The post Construction Of LSST Telescope Begins In Chile appeared first on Eurasia Review.


Another Idiotic Plan To Hurt Russia – OpEd

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The U.S. must show the leadership necessary to establish and protect a new order that holds the promise of convincing potential competitors that they need not aspire to a greater role or pursue a more aggressive posture to protect their legitimate interests…..We must, however, be mindful that…Russia will remain the strongest military power in Eurasia and the only power in the world with the capability of destroying the United States.” — The Wolfowitz Doctrine, the original version of the Defense Planning Guidance, authored by Under Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, leaked to the New York Times on March 7, 1992

“For America, the chief geopolitical prize is Eurasia…and America’s global primacy is directly dependent on how long and how effectively its preponderance on the Eurasian continent is sustained.” –THE GRAND CHESSBOARD – American Primacy And It’s Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, page 30, Basic Books, 1997

The Laussanne negotiations between Iran and the so called P5+1 group (the United States, Russia, China, France, Britain, and Germany) have nothing to do with nuclear proliferation. They are, in fact, another attempt to weaken and isolate Russia by easing sanctions, thus allowing Iranian gas to replace Russian gas in Europe. Laussanne shows that Washington still thinks that the greatest threat to its dominance is the further economic integration of Russia and Europe, a massive two-continent free trade zone from Lisbon to Vladivostok that would eventually dwarf dwindling US GDP while decisively shifting the balance of global power to Asia. To counter that threat, the Obama administration toppled the elected government of Ukraine in a violent coup, launched a speculative attack on the ruble, forced down global oil prices, and is presently arming and training neo-Nazi extremists in the Ukrainian army. Washington has done everything in its power to undermine relations between the EU and Russia risking even nuclear war in its effort to separate the natural trading partners and to strategically situate itself in a location where it can control the flow of vital resources from East to West.

Laussanne was about strategic priorities not nukes. The Obama administration realizes that if it can’t find an alternate source of gas for Europe, then its blockade of Russia will fail and the EU-Russia alliance will grow stronger. And if the EU-Russia alliance grows stronger, then US attempts to extend its tentacles into Asia and become a major player in the world’s most prosperous region will also fail leaving Washington to face a dismal future in which the steady erosion of its power and prestige is a near certainty. This is from an article titled “Removing sanctions against Iran to have unfavorable influence on Turkey and Azerbaijan”:

“If Washington removes energy sanctions on Iran…then a new geopolitical configuration will emerge in the region. Connecting with Nabucco will be enough for Iran to fully supply Europe with gas…

Iran takes the floor with inexhaustible oil and gas reserves and as a key transit country. Iran disposes of the 10% of the reported global oil reserves and is the second country in the world after Russia with its natural gas reserves (15%). The official representatives of Iran do not hide that they strive to enter the European market of oil and gas, as in the olden days. Let’s remember that the deputy Minister of Oil in Iran, Ali Majedi, offered to revive project of Nabucco pipeline during his European tour and said that his country is ready to supply gas to Europe through it…

“Some months earlier the same Ali Majedi reported sensational news: ‘two invited European delegations’ discussed the potential routes of Iranian gas supply to Europe,” the article reads.” … It is also noted that the West quite materially reacted to the possibility of the Iranian gas to join Nabucco.” (Removing sanctions against Iran to have unfavorable influence on Turkey and Azerbaijan, Panorama)

So, is this the plan, to provide “energy security” to Europe by replacing Russian gas with Iranian gas?

It sure looks like it. But that suggests that the sanctions really had nothing to do with Iran’s fictitious nuclear weapons program but were merely used to humiliate Iran while keeping as much of its oil and gas offline until western-backed multinationals could get their greasy mitts on it.

Indeed, that’s exactly how the sanctions were used even though the nuclear issue was a transparent fake from the get go. Get a load of this from the New York Times:

“Recent assessments by American spy agencies are broadly consistent with a 2007 intelligence finding that concluded that Iran had abandoned its nuclear weapons program years earlier, according to current and former American officials. The officials said that assessment was largely reaffirmed in a 2010 National Intelligence Estimate, and that it remains the consensus view of America’s 16 intelligence agencies.” (U.S. Agencies See No Move by Iran to Build a Bomb, James Risen, New York Times, February 24, 2012)

See? The entire US intelligence establishment has been saying the same thing from the onset: No Iranian nukes. Nor has Iran ever been caught diverting nuclear fuel to other purposes. Never. Also, as nuclear weapons physicist, Gordon Prather stated many times before his death, “After almost three years of go-anywhere see-anything interview-anyone inspections, IAEA inspectors have yet to find any indication that Iran has — or ever had — a nuclear weapons program.”

The inspectors were on the ground for three freaking years. They interviewed everyone and went wherever they wanted. They searched every cave and hideaway, every nook and cranny, and they found nothing.

Get it? No nukes, not now, not ever. Period.

The case against Iran is built on propaganda, brainwashing and bullshit, in that order. But, still, that doesn’t tell us why the US is suddenly changing course. For that, we turn to an article from The Brookings Institute titled “Why the details of the Iran deal don’t matter” which sums it up quite well. Here’s a clip:

“At heart, this is a fight over what to do about Iran’s challenge to U.S. leadership in the Middle East and the threat that Iranian geopolitical ambitions pose to U.S. allies, particularly Israel and Saudi Arabia. Proponents of the deal believe that the best way for the United States to deal with the Iranian regional challenge is to seek to integrate Iran into the regional order, even while remaining wary of its ambitions. A nuclear deal is an important first step in that regard, but its details matter little because the ultimate goal is to change Iranian intentions rather destroy Iranian capability.” (Why the details of the Iran deal don’t matter, Brookings)

Notice how carefully the author avoids mentioning Israel by name although he alludes to “the threat that Iranian geopolitical ambitions pose to U.S. allies”. Does he think he’s talking to idiots?

But his point is well taken; the real issue is not “Iranian capability”, but “Iran’s challenge to U.S. leadership in the Middle East”. In other words, the nuclear issue is baloney. What Washington doesn’t like is that Iran has an independent foreign policy that conflicts with the US goal of controlling the Middle East. That’s what’s really going on. Washington wants a compliant Iran that clicks its heals and does what its told.

The problem is, the strategy hasn’t worked and now the US is embroiled in a confrontation with Moscow that is a higher priority than the Middle East project. (The split between US elites on this matter has been interesting to watch, with the Obama-Brzezinski crowd on one side and the McCain-neocon crowd on the other.) This is why the author thinks that easing sanctions and integrating Iran into the predominantly US system would be the preferable remedy for at least the short term.

Repeat: “The best way for the United States to deal with the Iranian regional challenge is to integrate Iran into the regional order.” In other words, if you can’t beat ‘em, then join ‘em. Iran is going to be given enough freedom to fulfill its role within the imperial order, that is, to provide gas to Europe in order to inflict more economic pain on Russia. Isn’t that what’s going on?

But what effect will that have on Iran-Russia relations? Will it poison the well and turn one ally against the other?

Probably not, mainly because the ties between Iran and Russia are growing stronger by the day. Check this out from the Unz Review by Philip Giraldi:

“Moscow and Tehran are moving towards a de-facto strategic partnership, which can be easily seen by the two groundbreaking announcements from earlier this week. It’s now been confirmed by the Russian government that the rumored oil-for-goods program between Russia and Iran is actually a real policy that’s already been implemented, showing that Moscow has wasted no time in trying to court the Iranian market after the proto-deal was agreed to a week earlier. Providing goods in exchange for resources is a strategic decision that creates valuable return customers in Iran, who will then be in need of maintenance and spare parts for their products. It’s also a sign of deep friendship between the two Caspian neighbors and sets the groundwork for the tentative North-South economic corridor between Russia and India via Iran.” (A Shifting Narrative on Iran, Unz Review)

But here’s the glitch: Iran can’t just turn on the spigot and start pumping gas to Europe. It doesn’t work that way. It’s going to take massive pipeline and infrastructure upgrades that could take years to develop. That means there will be plenty of hefty contracts awarded to friends of Tehran –mostly Russian and Chinese–who will perform their tasks without interfering in domestic politics. Check this out from Pepe Escobar:

“Russia and China are deeply committed to integrating Iran into their Eurasian vision. Iran may finally be admitted as a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) at the upcoming summer summit in Russia. That implies a full-fledged security/commercial/political partnership involving Russia, China, Iran and most Central Asian ’stans’.

Iran is already a founding member of the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB); that means financing for an array of New Silk Road-related projects bound to benefit the Iranian economy. AIIB funding will certainly merge with loans and other assistance for infrastructure development related to the Chinese-established Silk Road Fund…” (Russia, China, Iran: In sync, Pepe Escobar, Russia Today)

Get the picture? Eurasian integration is already done-deal and there’s nothing the US can do to stop it.

Washington needs to rethink its approach. Stop the meddling and antagonism, rebuild relations through trade and mutual trust, and accept the inevitability of imperial decline.

Asia’s star is rising just as America’s is setting. Deal with it.

The post Another Idiotic Plan To Hurt Russia – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Tusk Calls Extraordinary Summit Over Migrant Boat Disasters

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(EurActiv) — European Council President Donald Tusk on Monday called an extraordinary EU summit on the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean, to be held on Thursday (23 April), after a fishing boat capsized overnight off the Libyan coast, killing as many as 700 migrants.

As EurActiv reported, Tusk consulted with EU leaders over the emergency summit, as EU ministers of foreign affairs and of justice and home affairs gathered today in Luxembourg to discuss the crisis.

“The situation in the Med is dramatic. It cannot continue like this. We cannot accept that hundreds of people die when they try to cross the sea to Europe. This is why I have decided to call an extraordinary summit this Thursday,” said Tusk in a video message.

He said that the objective of the summit was to discuss at the highest level what the member states and the institutions can immediately do together to alleviate the situation.

“I do not expect any quick fix solutions to the root causes of migration, because there are none. Had they existed we would have used them long ago. But I do expect that the Commission and the European External Action Service will present options for an immediate action. And I do expect member states to contribute immediately,” Tusk added.

Some of the topics EU leaders will need to address are how to stop the human traffickers “that cynically earn money by putting the migrant’s lives at risk”, how to step up their combined efforts of rescuing people in need, how to better help the member states most affected, and how to step up cooperation with the countries of origin and transit.

Tusk said that the summit would build on the extraordinary meeting of foreign and interior affairs ministers, which is still ongoing. He also said he had called a coordination meeting of the Commission, EU foreign affairs chief Federica Mogherini and the Latvian Presidency of the EU, to prepare the meeting.

“The situation in Med concerns not only the countries in our southern neighbourhood, it concerns all of us, all of Europe, that’s why we need to act and act together now”, Tusk concluded.

The post Tusk Calls Extraordinary Summit Over Migrant Boat Disasters appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Dutch Doctors Withhold Or Withdraw Treatment In Many Elderly Patients

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Dutch doctors withhold/withdraw treatment in a substantial proportion of elderly patients, reveals research published online in the Journal of Medical Ethics.

But their decisions don’t seem to be driven by ageism; rather, they are more likely based on considerations of comfort and respect and the avoidance of futile treatment, conclude the researchers.

In a bid to assess whether certain age groups are more likely to have treatment withheld or withdrawn, the researchers looked at a sample of deaths, stratified according to whether end of life decisions were likely or not, and occurring between August and November 2010 in The Netherlands.

All doctors who certified a death were sent a questionnaire about end of life decision-making.

In all, questionnaires were completed for 6600 patients, one in three of whom was aged between 65 and 79, and four out of 10 of whom were aged 80 and above.

The oldest patients were significantly more likely to be women and unmarried. And they were more likely to have dementia and to be in a nursing home than patients below the age of 80.

Across the entire sample, treatment was withheld/withdrawn in 37% of cases, but was more common among the 80+ age group: 42% compared with 36% for 65-79 year olds and 25% for 17-64 year olds.

Artificial feeding and fluids was the treatment most likely to be withheld across the entire sample, followed by antibiotics. Treatment was twice as likely to be withheld in those aged 80+ as it was in the youngest age group.

Similarly, drug treatment was most likely to be withdrawn across the entire sample (56%), but its withdrawal was 2.5 times as common among those aged 80+.

The most common reasons doctors gave for forgoing treatment included no chance of improvement (72%) and the futility of prolonging treatment (62%). They were also around twice as likely to mention loss of dignity and respect for the patient’s wishes for those aged 80+.

In more than half of cases (56%) there was no discussion about end of life decisions with the patient, but in most of these (93%) the patient didn’t have sufficient capacity.

Around one in three doctors (35%) judged that their decision had not shortened life; around one in four (27%) said that it had shortened life by up to a week.

“Based on our results, we cannot assume that age related differences in withholding/withdrawing treatment are the result of ageism,” write the authors.

“In fact, our findings indicate that care for older people is focused on providing comfort and avoiding burdensome treatment, suggesting better acceptance that these patients are nearing death,” they conclude.

The post Dutch Doctors Withhold Or Withdraw Treatment In Many Elderly Patients appeared first on Eurasia Review.

India’s Aspiration For A Permanent Seat At UNSC – OpEd

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By Almas Shaikh

India’s PM Narendra Modi has been making waves in the global news for his strong pitch to get India the Permanent seat in the Security Council. Commemorating United Nation’s 70th year this year, Modi has brought out India’s trump card of peaceful coexistence with other nations while demanding the seat.

Throughout history, India has been seen as a peace-loving country. This policy of maintaining peace and order in the world is not only seen in paper but by India’s continued efforts to support United Nations in all their endeavours. Since 1948, India has contributed many personnel, both military and civil to UN’s peacekeeping forces. Furthermore, the recent surge in the P.M.’s foreign visits shows that India is taking its international relations seriously and wants to be seen as a serious contender for the title of an emerging super power in Asia.

Like any other actively functioning body, the UN has had to change with the changing times so as to better assist in fulfilling their goals and achieving peace and security throughout the world. Similarly, the Security Council too needs to make some reforms from within to keep up and one of the suggested reforms has been to increase the membership of the UNSC. India has always been a strong contender in expanding their group and getting the coveted permanent seat. Not only did India contribute significantly with the peacekeeping forces, but it also made a conspicuous difference through its effort during its tenure as a non-permanent member of UNSC from 2011 – 2012. India held debates on peacekeeping, called for enhancing resources and strengthening the legal backing for the PKF, suggested improvements of consultations between the troop contributing countries and the police contributing countries, etc.[1]

Furthermore, India is one of the most dynamic and vibrant economies, driven by dedicated and sophisticated entrepreneurs who are capable of competing globally. Since the days of the Cold War, India has experienced unprecedented growth and stability. It can now be counted as one of the major economies of the world.[2]

As such, Modi’s demand for a permanent seat for India in the UN Security Council doesn’t seem too far fetched.[3]

Altering the composition of the Security Council in itself is a messy affair that has come up with various methods like expansion in both the Permanent Seats and the Non-permanent seats, expansion of only non-permanent category, negotiations between nations and various groups of nations, level of agreement before voting, and such others.[4] But, even if it is decided to enlarge the popular circle, the impact of the same on India and other countries must be looked into.

Although India has instances in its favour to show its eligibility for the prized P-seat, its extremism in the society may be a deterrent factor. While India has volunteered troops for the peacekeeping forces, it can be seen that when it comes to internal and domestic terrorism by rebel political outfits and religious extremists, we are not working up to the standards of security of a country who is asking for a position as one among the P5.

Although India boasts of its rapid economic growth, this economy is very unevenly distributed between the masses. There are over 300 million Indians living below poverty line. Apart from this, the presence of insurgency due to the Maoist Naxalites in India is also a cause for concern. The most important issue with respect to the foreign policy would be India’s troubled relationship with Pakistan over Kashmir. These issues may create a negative effect when the time really comes to decide countries to add into the permanent category.

If India does indeed get a permanent seat at the UNSC, it would surely sour the US Pakistan relationship. Due to the Kashmir issue sticking out like a sore thumb between the two states, Pakistan’s statement by Prime Minister Nawazuddin, made clear that they would not accept India as a permanent member of the UNSC.[5]

China, although it was initially supportive of the India’s move to bid an entry into the P5 group, fell short of backing into the same.[6] This move can be seen that India is posing a serious threat to China in respect of power in the East and a major influencer globally. Furthermore, the move by China could be influenced by the fact of its relationship with Pakistan.

US has recognised India’s growing power and through the growing ties between India and America through Modi and Obama, proved to be the tipping factor in US giving its nod to India’s permanent seat bid.

It thus remains to be seen whether the rallying by Modi will ensure India its entry to the Permanent category and thereby making its voice heard in matters of maintenance of international peace and security.

[1] Yadav, Manish Kumar. “India’s Quest for United Nations Security Council Permanent Seat with Special Reference to its Peace Keeping Credentials.”Global Journal of Political Science 2.1 (2014): 1-11.
[2] Stuenkel, Oliver. “Emerging India: A Farewell to Multilateralism?.”
[3] See also: http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/india-should-get-justice-by-getting-permanent-seat-in-unsc-pm-narendra-modi/articleshow/46924031.cms (last visited on April 17, 2015).
[4] Widmark, Otto. “India’s Aspiration for a Permanent Membership at the Security Council: An Update.” (2015).
[5] See also: http://www.dawn.com/news/1163163/pakistan-will-not-accept-india-as-unsc-permanent-member-nawaz (last visited on April 17, 2015).
[6] See also: http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/world/china-falls-short-of-backing-india-for-a-permanent-un-seat/article7098822.ece (last visited on April 17, 2015).

The post India’s Aspiration For A Permanent Seat At UNSC – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Azerbaijan: City Of Julfa, Home Of Alinjagala Castle

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The Julfa region of the Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan is the home of the Alinjagala Castle that rests atop the mountain that bears the same name.

The fortress is located on the right banks of the Alinjachay, and  according to ancient sources this historic landmark has been identified with the names of: “Erinjag”, “Erinjik”, “Alanjik”, “Alinja”, “Alanjug”. For Basrad Pashayev, a local scholar and journalist, the name of Alinjagala is related to the old Turkish word “alan” having in mind the meaning of “plain land” that is because of the location where the castle was built which happens to be flat. “Alinjak” means “taking off your hand”, it is also related with the invincibility of the fortress. There are various versions about the construction of Alinjagala.

Rui Gonzales Clavico, the ambassador of Henry III, King of Castilla, as a Spanish diplomat to the government of Teymurilar in 1403 – 1406 describes Alinjagala with the following: “Alinjagala is situated on a high and precipitous mountain surrounded by walls and towers. Within the walls, towards the mountain slopes down there are vineyards, gardens, cornfields, springs and pools. Based on ancient historical sources the castle was built over two thousand years ago. Other historians explain that the castle was built on the period of Sasani Government during the III and VII centuries. According to middle age sources, Alinjagala was described as a strong fortification and Alinja was considered as a fortress, mountain and river. Various historians such as Asoghik (928-1019), Sharafaddin Ali Yazdi (XV Century), Evliya Chelebi (XVII Century) and others have widely written about Alinja. The extraordinary view of the Alinjagala (Alanjik) fortress attracts many foreign visitors. It is the symbol of strength, military strategy and for centuries has been a critical geostrategic castle. The walls of Alinjagala castle begin from the slopes of the Alinja Mountain and rise until fully embracing the top of the mountain. Its foundations were built of big stones and burned bricks brought from the nearby villages. Three walls with half round towers remain in the eastern slope and in the west slope remain the ruins of eight walls. One of the fortress walls originates from Khanagah Village on the paths to the fortress there were built guard houses, trenches, and towers for defense purposes. Alinjagala consists mainly of three large areas, East, Northwest and Southwest. There were built stairs to cross from East to North West and South West. The robust fortress walls and the precipitous cliffs have made this castle an invincible place of regional defense. The inner organization of the castle had a town with the ruins of houses and administrative buildings in which there lived for years the fortress chiefs and local feudal class which named this landmark the “shah throne”.

Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan

Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan in Azerbaijan.

The residences and houses that belonged to feudal families have been described extensively in the XIX century world literature. There it was possible to keep herds of horses and cattle; it accommodated more than 600 knights and additional military ammunition in many sectors of the fortress. Over thirteen ponds were dug in different points of the hill top and in the rocks are engraved special drawings.

Archeologists have found different natural paintings and animal drawings including: birds, gazelles, deer, snakes, fish and others. The main designs of glazed tableware consist of geometric fragments. In the castle’s territory were found pale green table wares brought to Azerbaijan from China through the great Silk Way.

During the administration of Atabaylar-Eldanizlar in Azerbaijan, Alinjagala acquired a higher importance because various families of the rulers were sheltered there during emergencies. The residence of Zahida Khanum, ruler of Nakhchivan and the treasure of Eldanizlar were in the Alinjagala fortress. In the XIII and XIV centuries Alinjagala was under the rule of Hulakular and in the second half of XIV century was under the administration of Jalairilar. During most of the XIV Century, Alinjagala became the most strategic castle and stronghold for the people of Azerbaijan while waging war against Teymur and defended the region for over 14 years.

The sultan of Jalairi, Ahmad, when he heard of the trail of Teymur, left his treasure, family and close associates in the Alinjagala castle and left for Baghdad. At this time there were about 300 soldiers inside the walls of the castle. In 1386-1401 Teymur attacked Alinjagala four times. In his first attack there was a deadly war around the fortress causing the loss of the lower trenches of the castle which was encircled by the son of Teymur, Miranshah. The defenders, due to the lack of fresh water, were obliged to surrender the castle. However, immediately before abandoning their positions it begun to rain heavily and the defenders decided to maintain their defense positions.

In 1397 Shaki and Georgian army units attacked Alinjagala and defeated Sultan Sanjar, the leader of Teymuri and broke out Sultan Tahir’s encirclement and sent him to Baghdad. For some time Seyid Ali, Haji Saleh and three Georgian leaders headed the defense of the fortress — meanwhile Teymur became worried about Alinja. Under the leadership of five emirs, army units were sent to Alinjagala and the castle was ruled by the leadership of Teymur until his death in 1405.

In the early XV Century Alinjagala passed under the control of Jalairilar and afterwards under the control of Garagoyunlular. The ruler of Garagoyunlu, Isgandar who was fighting against his brother Jahanshah was sheltered in Alinjagala. Later, the castle was under the control of Aghgoyunlular and was subsequently controlled by Safavilar until it was destroyed due to internal and feudal conflicts.

For all those history aficionados who are visiting Azerbaijan, Alinjagala is one of those places that is hard to miss and considered to be very impressive for its strategic position and the role that it played during the last two millennia. The current Government of Azerbaijan has given a special importance to the preservation of the Alinjagala Castle, an archeological and historical location that has earned a special place in world history and is perhaps the most important castle in the cultural heritage of Eurasia.

Sources:
Ibrahimov J. The Essays about XV century history of Azerbaijan (1958)
Mammadov, R. A. “The Middle Ages History of Alinjagala; Materials about Azerbaijan History, Volume IX (1973)
Mammadov, R. A. “The Historical Essay of Nakhchivan City” (1977).
Special thanks to Mr. Hasan Pashali for sharing valuable information in the shaping of this article.

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Strategic Direction Of The PLA Navy: Capability And Intent Assessment – Book Review

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By Vice Admiral (retd) Vijay Shankar*

Title: Strategic Direction of the PLA Navy: Capability and Intent Assessment
Author: Kamlesh K Agnihotri
Publisher: Bloomsbury Publishing India Pvt Ltd New Delhi (2015)

China has historically held that a state’s comprehensive national power (CNP) is the index of its sway in the global order. Amongst the various attributes that in aggregate make for the CNP, it considers military and economic power to be pivotal. Given the nature of its political dispensation, the weightage between the two elements becomes clear when we hark back to Mao’s very pithy maxim that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” In this frame of reference, a long-term strategic approach to force planning and development of power structures is intrinsic to Chinese thought. Also emerging is that the primary aim of China’s grand strategy is to bring about a transformation in the existing global power status-quo.

Significantly, in globalisation and the multi polar dynamics that the end of the cold war heralded, China has sensed a strategic opportunity to alter and redefine the existing state of international affairs. Its dazzling economic rise has been accompanied by unparalleled military growth and ambitions of leadership on its terms. The surge from out of its defensive maritime perimeters into the Indian Ocean, the Arctic and Antarctic is one manifestation; while grandiose schemes such as the maritime silk road, which when shorn of all commercial hype, bares a proprietary set of sea lines of communication which will accelerate its drive to draw Africa and the Indian Ocean littorals into its resource access network, is another manifestation. Gone is the power bashfulness of the Deng era; and in its place is the conviction that the world-needs-China-more-than-China-the-world.

Against this backdrop is the politics of competitive resource access, maritime territorial acquisitiveness and provocative strategies such as the “anti-access area denial” strategy that it has launched.

Unfortunately, within this strategic milieu, the content of Agnihotri’s book does not quite do justice to its purported central theme of “Strategic Direction” of the Chinese Navy, as it remains, for most part, rooted to the operational canvas. The book addresses three main issues: firstly, a very brief maritime overview touching the history of the PLAN, maritime missions and organisational structures; secondly, status of the PLAN (75 of 149 pages, it forms the bulk of the book and is concerned more with inventory, modernisation and build programmes) leaving the reader groping for the larger purpose that would explicate the growth of China’s Navy; and lastly, in a quick sweep, 10 pages are devoted to making an assessment of the impact of the PLAN in the Indian Ocean Region from the operational perspective. The author concludes with a cryptic “mind it” moment declaring that “[t]hus, maintaining a clear perspective on holistic Chinese maritime endeavours will well serve interests of larger global community including those of India.”

The principal demand of the strategic theory of a nation’s maritime power development is primarily to engender amongst its populace a maritime temper and then put in place policies that define control, security and use of oceanic spaces on the one hand, while generating matching forces and infrastructure that enable these policies on the other. To remain consistent with such a strategic theory, the aspiring nation (China in this case) must attain a strategic posture that firstly inspires a maritime outlook within and then field forces that would permit control, security and unimpeded use of the seas of interest. An oceanic outlook, ability to control sea spaces, security of control and exploitation of the seas is the relationship that strategically makes for maritime power.

The question then arises, has China arrived? Not quite, must be the answer. Will it ever arrive? Quite clearly, unless it adopts a cooperative construct that abhors re-writing rule books, there is no way that her hegemonic maritime aspirations can be fulfilled.

To the books merit is the exhaustive research the author has brought to bear, in order to come up with this coherent operational study of the PLAN. Maritime force analysts, planners and students will find this book not just timely but essential reading to glean deeper understanding of what makes the PLAN tick. Given the nature of the subject and the sparse availability of authentic information on this theme, the book is an insightful and compelling read. It must be seen as a major contribution to our knowledge of China’s Navy.

*Vice Admiral (retd) Vijay Shankar
Former Commander-in-Chief, Strategic Forces Command of India and Distinguished Fellow IPCS

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Bipartisan Group Of Senators Beginning Push For Big Increase In US Military Spending – OpEd

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By Adam Dick

There is no doubt that the US government engages in extraordinary military and “national security” spending. In February, a Washington Post article cited an International Institute for Strategic Studies report ranking US “defense spending” at four and a half times that of China (the next biggest spender), close to matching China and the next 13 nations combined, and more than a third of the total defense spending of all nations. As explained by Ron Paul Institute Academic Board Member Robert Higgs, even such calculations far understate US national security spending by focusing on the Department of Defense base budget while neglecting to include significant expenses including, for example, separately allocated war spending and US Department of Energy spending on the nuclear weapons program.

Despite this vast spending dwarfing that of other nations around the world, Alexander Bolton reports in the The Hill on Saturday that a bipartisan group of US Senators is focusing on gaining Senate approval for increased military spending beyond 2011 Budget Control Act (BCA) limitations when appropriations legislation is considered later this year.

Bolton suggests that the biggest obstacle to a large spending increase is that US House of Representatives Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) “is willing to increase defense funding, but he wants [the] total spending number to remain within the limits set by the BCA.” That puts Boehner at odds with President Barack Obama, who is willing to remove the BCA defense spending limitations “provided ceilings are also raised or eliminated on domestic spending.”

Boehner and other “conservatives” in the House and Senate who want to greatly increase spending on “defense” so long as the increased spending is offset with other spending cuts should consider a May of 2010 editorial by RPI Chairman and Founder Ron Paul. In the editorial, Paul examines the military-industrial complex-supported expenditures that “in many cases foment resentment that does not make us safer, but instead makes us a target.” Paul concludes: “There is nothing conservative about spending money we don’t have simply because that spending is for defense.” The full editorial is well worth the read by anyone who believes Americans would benefit from their government increasing military spending.

This article was published by the RonPaul Institute.

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US Moves USS Theodore Roosevelt Aircraft Carrier Off Yemen Coast

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The US has moved a Nimitz-class aircraft carrier off the coast of Yemen, the US Navy said Monday.

According to the Navy, the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt (CVN 71), escorted by the guided-missile cruiser USS Normandy (CG 60), transited the Strait of Hormuz from its station in the Arabian Gulf to the Arabian Sea, on Sunday.

Helicopters fly from the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt (CVN 71) during a vertical replenishment with the aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70). Carl Vinson will be the U.S. 5th Fleet area of responsibility for its homeport of San Diego after supporting Operation Inherent Resolve, maritime security operations, strike operations in Iraq and Syria as directed, and theater security cooperation efforts in the region. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Scott Fenaroli/Released)

Helicopters fly from the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt (CVN 71) during a vertical replenishment with the aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70). Carl Vinson will be the U.S. 5th Fleet area of responsibility for its homeport of San Diego after supporting Operation Inherent Resolve, maritime security operations, strike operations in Iraq and Syria as directed, and theater security cooperation efforts in the region. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Scott Fenaroli/Released)

Theodore Roosevelt and Normandy have joined other U.S. forces conducting maritime security operations in the Arabian Sea, Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb and the Southern Red Sea.

In recent days, the US Navy has increased its presence in this area as a result of the current instability in Yemen.

Related: World Oil Transit Chokepoints – Analysis

According to the Navy, “The purpose of these operations is to ensure the vital shipping lanes in the region remain open and safe. The United States remains committed to its regional partners and to maintaining security in the maritime environment.”

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How Far Is Hezbollah Willing To Go In Syria? – OpEd

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By Vahik Soghom* for Syria Comment

The melting of snow in the Qalamoun mountains signals the end of the especially harsh winter of 2015. By extension, it opens the door for the much anticipated “Spring battle” of Hezbollah and the Syrian army against Islamist factions stationed in Qalamoun. The battle is meant to achieve Hezbollah’s goal of cleansing the area of Takfiri militants, who consist mainly of Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra units. Hezbollah is confident of its impending victory in Qalamoun, yet one question that has received little attention revolves around the strategic implications of such a victory in the broader context of the Syrian civil war and the regional struggle against the Islamic state.

The fight for control of the strategic Qalamoun region separating Lebanon from Syria really began with the May 2013 battle of Qusayr in the North. Hezbollah learned to fight in dense urban settings there. Since then, Hezbollah has been bogged down in constant clashes with the IS and Jabhat al-Nusra in Qalamoun, clashes which extend not only to the Syrian-Lebanese border, but within Lebanese territory itself. In the summer of 2014, fierce clashes between the Lebanese army and Islamist forces in Arsal highlighted the severity of the Takfiri threat faced by the Lebanese. Due to fears of heightened sectarian division within Lebanon, Hezbollah refrained from participating in the battle, and its operations have thus been limited to the Lebanese-Syrian border and the Syrian Qalamoun region.

There are two questions to ask about the upcoming Qalamoun war: what are Hezbollah’s immediate strategic objectives and what are its long term goals? How far is Hezbollah willing to go in helping Assad and Iran reconquer Syria and defeat the Takfiri militants in the region? The first objective is to protect Lebanese border villages from militants, a threat that has been hanging over Bekaa residents for the past two years. Secondly, the objective is to impede the infiltration and spread of Takfiri ideology in Lebanon. The under-equipped Lebanese army does not stand a chance against a Takfiri assault, especially one that is coordinated among rival Islamist factions. Thirdly, by pacifying the roads between Lebanon and Syria, Hezbollah will secure access to Damascus and Homs.

But what if Hezbollah is victorious in Qalamoun, what will it do next? Almost certainly, Hezbollah will expand operations to key fronts crucial to the survival of the Assad regime. Given the heavy losses Hezbollah has suffered in Syria, it will be hesitant to spread itself too thin.

Related: Arabs Lose Patience With Hezbollah – OpEd

In recent weeks, the Islamic State has been targeting crucial supply lines that, if successfully disrupted, will prove fatal for the survival of Assad’s forces in the north of the country. On March 23, fierce clashes were reported around Sheikh Hilal village on the eastern edge of Hama province. This assault by the Islamic State, which included a reported massacre of civilians, was meant to cut off the Salamiyah-Khanasir-Aleppo highway, a vital regime supply line for its Aleppo front. Another goal is accessing Idlib province, which is mostly dominated by al-Nusra and its coalition of Islamist forces. If IS successfully blocks the highway, Aleppo will run the risk of falling entirely to rebel and Islamist factions.

Another crucial front that has made the headlines in the past couple of weeks is Idlib, where a coalition of Islamist forces, headed by al-Nusra, managed to expel regime forces from the city. Though the regime has referred to its defeat as a “regrouping operation” and sent reinforcements from Hama to recapture the city, this battle will likely be extremely challenging. Part of the difficulty, and one that applies to all major fronts, is the Syrian army’s drastic losses in men over the past few years. The regime has long lost the luxury of recruiting soldiers from its civilian population, and only by calling in reinforcements from other fronts can it manage to deal with military crises. But what makes recapturing Idlib particularly difficult has to do with al-Qaeda and its newly-formed Jaish al-Fath coalition. Over the past year, al-Nusra has been overshadowed by the Islamic State’s expansion and public display of brutality, but looking at al-Nusra’s success in Idlib province as well as the Southern front, it is giving the IS a run for its money. And with fertile ground for expansion and episodes of success in Yemen and North Africa, al-Qaeda will improve rather than decline, and al-Nusra will benefit from this general resurgence. If, as expected, Idlib remains in the hands of the Jaish al-Fath coalition, the regime will virtually have lost Idlib province. Assad’s Syria will then only be limited to the western stretch of the country, comprised of the provinces of Latakia and Tartous on the Mediterranean, the central to western portions of Hama and Homs provinces, Damascus province, as well as parts of Aleppo.

But there is another crucial province the fate of which is at stake—Daraa. Though the regime still has a significant presence in the province, half of the city and most of its countryside is controlled by a mix of FSA and Islamist factions. Its neighboring Quneitra has witnessed a growing presence of Jabhat al-Nusra, which is most worrying for both Hezbollah and the regime due to the invaluable strategic importance of the Golan. In the event of the fall of these provinces, the regime will no longer enjoy its status as an Arab resistance state, and Damascus will be further squeezed in and surrounded from all sides. All three fronts mentioned—the eastern, northern, and southern—are crucial for the survival of the regime as well as the total disintegration of Syria.

Related: Can Hezbollah Prevent DAASH (IS) From Pulling Lebanon Into Its Caliphate? – OpEd

But for the same reasons, these fronts are equally important for Hezbollah. For now, its priority is to secure Qalamoun and Lebanon’s borders. But in the event of victory in the Qalamoun, Hezbollah will extend its operational activities to other Syrian provinces in which it now lacks a strong presence. Which fronts it will prioritize will depend upon circumstances. Hezbollah’s participation will improve not only the regime’s chances for survival, but also allow the Assad regime to maintain its access to Aleppo, as well as launch a more effective offensive on Idlib. Finally, Hezbollah will increase its role in Quneitra and Deraa provinces. And let us not forget that the regime still has a presence both in Deir el Zor itself as well as the eastern edge of Homs bordering Deir el Zor. If, with much needed assistance from Hezbollah, it is able to fend off IS attacks in Hama, it may even be able to start planning an offensive in Deir el Zor. Whether it will be capable—or even willing—to do so, will depend on the outcome in Qalamoun. Should Hezbollah suffer an unexpected defeat in Qalamoun or a decide to reduce its exposure in Syria following a tough fight, the country will be on the road to partition.

Hezbollah will likely win in Qalamoun. Jabhat al-Nusra and IS will remain its strongest of enemies. Their limited cooperation in Qalamoun will not likely translate into cooperation elsewhere. In fact, a recent report suggests that both factions are ready to hand over Qalamoun to Hezbollah in order to migrate to other fronts in Syria. If so, Hezbollah may be spared a grueling battle near home and be drawn further into Syria. It is worth noting that neither the FSA, Jabhat al-Nusra, nor IS will be the biggest obstacle to Hezbollah’s expanding operations. The strongest opposition will come from its Lebanese supporters who, although ready to sacrifice their sons to protect Lebanon, may not be so willing to commit to slaying distant enemies. For now, however, we must await the outcome of the battle for Qalamoun.

*Vahik Soghom, BA. AUB, MA. Univ of St. Andrews, Humboldt Univ of Berlin

The post How Far Is Hezbollah Willing To Go In Syria? – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

China’s Xi Visits Pakistan: Strategic Implications For India – Analysis

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By C. Uday Bhaskar*

The much-anticipated visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Pakistan is finally taking place on April 20 after having been postponed in September last year due to the internal political turmoil in Islamabad triggered at the time by Imran Khan. The two- day visit has aroused high expectations and has been preceded by a lyrical article in the Pakistan media authored by the Chinese president wherein he notes: “This will be my first trip to Pakistan, but I feel as if I am going to visit the home of my own brother.”

China’s relationship with Pakistan has a distinctive ‘all-weather’ quality to it and the strategic underpinning to this bilateral was laid in the late 1950s when the Sino-Indian relationship was deteriorating. Pakistan, given its geographical location and innate hostility to India, was perceived by Beijing to be a valuable long-term investment. It is instructive to note that the latent rivalry between Chairman Mao Zedong and prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru was discernible in the Bandung Conference held in Indonesia on April 18, 1955 – and President Xi will be traveling to Indonesia for the 60th anniversary of Bandung to be held on April 22.

This uneasy and wary Sino-Indian dynamic that flared up in the October 1962 war is now located in the larger southern Asian geo-economic context of the early 21st century and China’s aspirations. The current Xi visit to Pakistan is indicative of the manner in which this bilateral relationship has deepened and the manner in which China seeks to leverage the geography of Pakistan to its benefit. The Xi article dwells on the manner in which his host country is remembered in China and specifically alludes to Pakistan having opened an air corridor for China to reach out to the world in the early years after the 1949 revolution; and more specifically – having “supported China in restoring its lawful seat in the United Nations”.

This UN reference will definitely arouse intense comment in India, given the popular view that it was Nehru who advocated the case of Beijing over Taipei as the legitimate representative of China in the UN Security Council.

Be that as it may, the Xi visit has been heralded by some very ambitious signals about the scale and scope of the assistance that Beijing is planning to unveil on Monday. Development and infrastructure assistance up to a tune of US$46 billion is being hinted at, and this will comprise power generation and transport connectivity in the main. The core is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor that envisages a link from the Pakistani port of Gwadar on the Arabian Sea all the way to Xinjiang in northwest China. This multi-billion dollar project is expected to be completed in 2030 and, when completed, it will have the potential to radically alter the trade, economic and energy map of southern Asia. It must be added that upto 80 percent of the $46 bn fiscal investment will flow back to Chinese entities engaged in the power and infrastructure projects.

Related: China-Pakistan Economic Corridor – Analysis

From the Indian perspective, the fact that this proposed route will transit PoK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) will be a matter of grave concern, given the political overtones such a Chinese investment will generate. This issue will in all likelihood figure prominently in the Narendra Modi visit to Beijing later in May.

The central issue at hand is whether China’s ambitious economic and connectivity imitative can trump or finesse the political and security issues that have progressively contributed to a very complex and tangled triangular relationship that involves China-Pakistan and India.

An unresolved territorial dispute still shadows the China-India relationship and the India-Pakistan contestation over Kashmir is alive in a very visible manner. The fact that Pakistan has unilaterally ceded parts of the composite state of Jammu and Kashmir to China in 1963 has added to the intractability of the issue. Now with a major economic and connectivity project being unveiled by China (the Belt and Road initiative) and the centrality of Pakistan in this regard – India will have to calibrate its responses in a very careful manner.

One fact is irrefutable. If this century is indeed to be an Asian century with China as the pre-eminent economic entity – then the texture of the Beijing-Delhi axis is critical to the realization of this exigency. An India that is suspicious of Chinese intent in South Asia and feels either cornered or boxed-in by Beijing’s covert support to Rawalpindi (the HQ of the Pakistani Army) will degrade, deflect and delay China’s rise.

Related: China-Pakistan: A Strategic Relationship In The Shadows – Analysis

In short, the China-Pakistan bilateral cannot be pursued as a zero-sum game that will be inimical to India. There is a deeply held consensus in Delhi that Beijing has provided opaque Weapons of Mass Destruction (nuclear weapons and missiles) support to Pakistan and consistently chosen to either ignore or tacitly endorse Rawalpindi’s investment in terror against India as a tool of state policy. This is unsustainable and Beijing’s silence over the release of 26/11 mastermind Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi is illustrative of China and terrorism.

For the huge fiscal investment that China is planning to make in Pakistan to be economically viable – the country must be stable and secure, and this is a far cry from the existing reality. If Pakistan is to effectively deal with the growing domestic radicalization and spiral of sectarian violence that has engulfed it – the ‘deep state’ that is complicit in supporting the Islamic right wing and terror groups has to be weaned away from this destructive addiction.

Gwadar in Balochistan is symptomatic of both the strategic opportunity that geography confers and the malignancy of short-sighted political manipulation that the Pakistani ruling elite have engaged in for decades. Xi Jinping’s ambitious plan to invest in a grand land and sea route that would revive the rhythms of the old Silk Route is indeed visionary – but it has to first redress the prevailing ground realities in Pakistan.

The Xi article makes a normative reference to the need for a harmonious neighborhood and observes: “China and Pakistan need to coordinate diplomatic strategies more closely to build a harmonious neighbourhood. Our two countries have common or similar positions on major international and regional issues. It is important that we maintain close communication and coordination to protect our common interests and foster a peaceful and stable neighbouring environment.”

Surely China cannot have a ‘similar’ position with Pakistan/Rawalpindi in relation to terrorism and this contradiction cannot be glossed over. This is the sub-text that will be carried over to the Xi-Modi meeting later in May when the Indian prime minister visits Beijing.

*Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar (Retd), is Director of the Society for Policy Studies. He can be contacted at cudaybhaskar@spsindia.in

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Modi Changing The Climate At Climate-Change Talks – Analysis

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By Rajendra Shende*

US President Barack Obama, in his 166-word eulogy in Time magazine that named Prime Minister Narendra Modi among the 100 most influential people in the world, termed him “India’s reformer-in-chief” who had “laid out an ambitious vision to …unleash India’s true economic potential while confronting climate change”.

Modi tweeted thanks to Obama. But his government, determined to walk the talk, went beyond. On the same day it submitted 11-page formal proposal to the headquarters of the United Nations Environment Programme in Nairobi to seize the stewardship in the global negotiations that implicated cross-cutting themes on climate change and ozone layer protection. Interestingly it was mainly because of India that the parleys were all but stalled for last six years and haunted the negotiating sessions year after year.

India’s proposal would be discussed in the extraordinary meeting of 197 countries in Bangkok next week. A second meeting will be held in late July in Paris and the final Meeting of the Parties will be in UAE the first week of November – before the climate change meeting in Paris.

India’s proposal is based on common but differentiated responsibility. It proposes developed countries going faster in the phase down of HFCs and developing countries going slower. It also requires financial and technology transfer assistance for developing countries.

It is a dramatic but well-studied and strategic proposal to phase-down production and consumption of hydro fluorocarbons (HFCs). These are greenhouse gases (GHGs) that have up to 12,000 times more global warming potential (GWP) than carbon dioxide – the most talked about GHG. HFCs are part of six GHGs included in the Kyoto Protocol on climate change, whose emissions are to be reduced. HFCs are primarily used as refrigerants, for example in car air conditioning and refrigerators, and in insulating foams.

The story of HFCs emerging is as stunning as it can get. The most successful international environmental agreement so far – the Montreal Protocol – aimed to protect the Ozone layer by eliminating ozone-depleting gases like chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs). HFCs, along with other gases were developed by the industry to replace CFCs. HFCs are ozone friendly – but not climate friendly. Eliminating CFCs and using HFCs was like going from the frying pan to fire. The movement against HFCs started gathering momentum after 2010, but HFCs continued to be the fastest growing greenhouse gases in much of the world, increasing at 10-15 percent per year, particularly in the developing countries and slower in developed economies, which were reeling under financial crisis and when the major industrial manufacturing was shifting to emerging economies.

When the Montreal Protocol was celebrating its success in 2010, ozone layer recovery was considered to be at the cost of global warming. Surprisingly, India refused to even discuss the amendment of reduction of HFCs, proposed by Micronesia, the US, Canada and Mexico. At the global negotiations, India stalled any discussions on the issue, stating that it has just phased out CFCs by employing HFCs in most of the applications and hence, was not ready for yet another transition so soon. India argued that effective, affordable and safe alternatives to HFCs did not exist. It also resorted to legal and procedural conundrums by wondering if controls on HFCs are the mandate of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change and not Montreal Protocol on ozone layer protection.

Related: India’s Climate Change Strategy: Expanding Differentiated Responsibility – Analysis

India’s political leaders, since 2010, continued to please international communities, particularly in G-20 meetings and in summits with Obama, by agreeing to action on HFCs, but in international negotiations the country played different tunes to fudge the debate.

Come Modi, and transformation and a forward-looking stance is evident. The pros and cons of HFC reduction were assessed and reforms in the approach were found to be inevitable. It was realized that reduction in HFCs would provide the fastest and the most desirable climate mitigation in the near-term. It also will build critical momentum for a successful outcome in Paris for the challenging climate negotiations in December.

Proposing a HFC phase-down under the well-established institution of the Montreal Protocol would give obvious advantage of financial assistance, transfer of the latest technology and incentives for the developing countries as realized under the CFC phase out. Early phase-down and selecting better energy-efficient technology was considered to be part of Modi’s priority of inclusive development.

As per researchers, the HFC phase-down can provide mitigation equivalent to 100 giga tonnes of CO2 by 2050 and avoid up to 0.5 degrees Celsius of warming by the end of century. As the atmospheric lifetime of HFCs is only 10-15 years as against 100 years in case of CO2, the phase-down of HFCs could lead to early benefits.

Related: India-Canada: Partners On Nuclear Energy – OpEd

In other words, the adverse impact of climate change could be pushed back by 10-15 years. A simultaneous effort to embrace super-efficient appliances in India, including room air conditioners, can effectively double the climate mitigation from phasing down HFCs, as per a report by Indian researchers at California’s Lawrence Berkeley National Lab. Their analysis showed that moving to super-efficient room air conditioners could save for India enough electricity to avoid building up to 120 medium-sized power plants in the next 15 years.

Modi is clearly changing the climate of climate-change negotiations to be held in Paris at the end of this year.

*Rajendra Shende, an IIT-alumni, is chairman of the TERRE Policy Centre and former director UNEP. He can be contacted at shende.rajendra@gmail.com

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Spain: Tax Reform Act Aims To Publish List Of Debtors

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Spain’s Council of Ministers has submitted the Reform of the General Tax Act to parliament, which if approved will publish a list of taxpayers who have debts of more than one million euros.

The three principal aims of the new legislation are to step up the fight against fraud, reduce conflicts and increase legal certainty, explained the Minister for the Treasury and the Public Administration Services, Cristóbal Montoro.

Related: Spain: PM Rajoy Says Economic Growth, Job Creation Needed To Preserve Welfare State

One of the main new aspects of the text is the publication of the list of taxpayers with outstanding debts and sanctions in excess of one million euros. Cristóbal Montoro pointed out that, following the recommendation made by the Council of State, the list will not contain tax debts and sanctions that are deferred or suspended.

Interested parties will be granted a plea phase prior to publication, and any final decision can be challenged through the administrative courts, the government said.

The government plans to publish the first list of debtors in the fourth quarter of the year to include those in this situation as at 31 July 2015.

Fight against tax fraud

Another noteworthy measure in the field of the fight against fraud is the “anti-abuse regulation” – a new tax offence that seeks to penalise actions or business transactions carried out with intent to defraud, which are substantially similar to others already classified previously as abusive by the public administration for going against public criteria.

Related: Spain’s Labor Market Grows More Dynamic

Furthermore, the law extends the powers for investigation and verification – the deadline for verifying tax bases, tax payable or deductions will be extended to ten years – steps up actions by tax administration bodies and strengthens the system for offences and penalties to combat smuggling.

With the aim of increasing legal certainty, the draft law sets new deadlines for inspection proceedings: a longer time period is established (18 months in general and 27 months for particularly complex cases), while limiting the grounds for suspending the calculation of this period and removing delays not attributable to the public authorities. It also contains measures to speed up actions by the financial-administrative courts, such as boosting electronic procedures.

To reduce conflicts in this area, the new legislation extends the powers of the tax authorities to hand down interpretive or explanatory provisions and those who adhere to these criteria are exempt from any form of liability deriving there from.

The post Spain: Tax Reform Act Aims To Publish List Of Debtors appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Mexico And China: From Rivalry To Investment Partner – Analysis

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By Chen Jiang*

The transition from the 20th to 21st Century brought significant economic changes to Mexico and China. During that period of time, Mexico and China had economies that depended heavily on cheap labor and low currency value manipulated by the government, as well as the shared quest for a higher export rate to the U.S. market. Competition soon sparked between the two countries because of these similarities. They both targeted the U.S. market because of its standing as the largest and most developed economy in the world. Additionally, the high GDP per capita in the U.S. suggested that consumers are more able and willing to pay for products. Furthermore, Mexico and China produce and assemble similar products and hire low-wage workers who have little technical skill. Mexico did possess advantages over China—the lower trade price under terms of the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and closer proximity to the United States—but these were seemingly weakened by China’s membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO).[1]

The Competition

When a country has the advantage of cheap labor and low value currency, the business of assembling parts becomes very lucrative as overhead costs are limited. In Mexico, these assembly plants are referred to as maquiladoras. In 2006, maquiladoras contributed $25 billion USD to Mexico’s foreign exchange.[2] Nevertheless, over time, it has been proven that China is winning the competition. Mexico and China have very similar exporting baskets, meaning the two countries ship similar products overseas every year. Since China’s induction to the WTO in 2001, it has surpassed Mexico and has become the second largest exporter to U.S. market. In 2006, China also surpassed Mexico and became the U.S’s second biggest business partner after Canada.[3]

With the rise of cheap Chinese products, Mexico has suffered greatly. Mexico is still heavily dependent on the U.S. market, but its share in the U.S. market has decreased. Some argue that China did not take Mexico’s share, but instead created more commerce in the U.S. market as well as the global market.[4] Studies show that Mexico suffered directly from the rise of Chinese industries, most notably since the year China joined the WTO.[5] From 1995 to 2000, after NAFTA was enacted, Mexico’s growing export rate was 15.8 per cent, but the rate decreased by 9.5 per cent to 6.3 from 2000 to 2006 after China’s entry to the WTO.[6]

China’s rising industries pose other threats to Mexico’s maquiladoras. For example, in 2002, only a year after China joined the WTO, about two hundred maquiladoras closed in Mexico.[7] Such changes in the Mexican economy will inevitably hurt Mexican employment rates. Statistics from the Instituto Nacional de Estadistica, Geografia e Informatica show that in 2002, 3,288 maquiladoras employed over one million workers. Mexico cannot afford the loss of jobs should these maquiladoras shut down.[8] Although Mexico and China both produced low value-added goods, which rendered low profits, China’s growth rate in this sector grew faster than Mexico due to its inclusion in the WTO.

Before China joined the WTO, it is important to note that China’s exports were increasing more rapidly than those of Mexico. For example, from 1996 to 2000, Mexico exported 1.11 percent of the world’s leather, and at the same time China exported 1.99 percent. However, four years later, China was shipping out 7.34 percent of the world’s leather, while Mexico exported only 2.49 percent. Moreover, over the same time period in areas such as the exportation of heating and cooling equipment, Mexico led China with a market share of 2.04 percent as opposed to Beijing’s 0.79 percent. However, China quickly increased its exports to 5.31 percent within the span of just 4 years, leaving Mexico with only a 0.15 percent advantage.[9] This means that even though Mexico had a head start with the signing of NAFTA, it was not difficult to predict that China would not only catch up, but also surpass Mexico at an astonishing rate.

The “Successful” Sector—the Autoparts-Automobile Industry

In the battle of exportation with China, Mexico lost both profit and market share. However, the one industry that recovered the fastest after the 2008 financial crisis and remained steady after 2001 was the autoparts-automobile sector.[10] The majority output of the autoparts-automobile industry in Mexico goes to exportation, and overtime the industry gained importance in Mexico’s foreign trade. In 2010, the industry composed 28 percent of Mexico’s exports and 17 percent of its imports and represented the largest trade surplus in the Mexican economy.[11] Although China may have overcome Mexico in other manufacturing industries, it seemed that Mexico had maintained its comparative advantage in the autoparts-automobile industry.

Related: TPP, China And The Future Of Global Trade Order – Analysis

In 1990, before the signing of NAFTA, Mexico represented eight percent of exports of the U.S. automobile trade. Five years later, when NAFTA went into effect, Mexico held a market share of 14.96 percent. During the same period, however, China’s exports of auto parts and automobiles in the United States went from 0.11 percent to 0.52 percent.[12] Unlike other exporting sectors in which Mexico took a downturn, the market for autoparts-automobiles has remained strong in the United States. As a result of NAFTA, Mexico has benefitted from low tariffs on exports to the United States, and by 2010, Mexico represented 21.32 percent of auto parts and automobile exports to the United States. At this point, Mexico remained the third largest autoparts-automobile exporter to the United States, after Japan and Canada. It would be easy to assert that Mexico has dominated China in the autoparts-automobile sector. In 2010, China represented only 3.13 percent of U.S. automobile imports, but if one simply looks at two other factors, one will find that China’s autoparts-automobile industry has become more competitive than Mexico’s.[13]

First of all, under NAFTA, Mexico was paying a tariff that was only slightly higher than what Canada was paying in 2010. At the same time, China paid tariffs 38 times that of Mexico.[14] Secondly, while Mexico’s market share grew from 8 percent to 21 percent within two decades, growth rate of 11 percent, China expanded by nearly 25 percent.[15] Therefore, China’s competitiveness in the autoparts-automobile industry is not low; it is catching up to Mexico just as it is in other industries. In 2014, China was able to surpass Canada to become the second largest exporter of automotive parts to the United States after Mexico.[16] Mexico should be concerned about China’s growth in the automobile industry because it has become a vital part of the country’s economy. Should China be granted a lower tariff agreement, Mexico’s already sluggish economy will further suffer.

Competition With Cooperation

The rivalry between Mexico and China in the U.S. market went on for more than a decade, but in today’s highly integrated world economy, it would be impractical to imagine that these two important players will remain opponents indefinitely. Greater cooperation between Mexico and China is foreseeable due to the massive amount of infrastructure investment China has been making in Latin America. Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto (2012 – present) is further investing in infrastructure development because while Mexico may be the 14th largest economy in the world, its infrastructure ranks 64th.[17] In order to develop its infrastructure nationwide, a country must rely on its revenue, but also attract foreign investments. For Mexico, China is seen as an ideal partner for infrastructure investment because of its commendable record of domestic and international infrastructural programs.

Related: China’s Latest Investments In Mexico: The Plight Of Maquiladora Workers – Analysis

With China’s rapid economic growth within the past few decades, the country is constantly investing and developing infrastructure. A 2009 report by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) concluded that from 2010 to 2020 China would invest $8 trillion USD domestically, of which 68 percent will be for new development projects.[18] However, China is not only heavily invested in its homeland, it is also deeply involved in such development in Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. In November 2014, China, Brazil, and Peru reportedly signed a memorandum of understanding during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC) that details the construction of a railway that will connect the Pacific and Atlantic Ocean, a distance of 3,500 kilometers.[19] In December 2014, China signed contract to build a $40 billion USD canal across Nicaragua.[20] The number of China-funded infrastructure projects in Latin America has been consistently rising. Although a fair number of Mexico’s maquiladoras were shut down because of their being persistently noncompetitive with Chinese assembly plants, China is now in the position to bring in foreign funds and invest in Mexico’s industrialization process.

In June 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Mexico after traveling to Central America and the Caribbean where billions of dollars of loans were pledged. The trip was intended to smooth relations between the two countries, and it has certainly done so. During Xi’s visit, the two countries announced a series of agreements on energy, trade, and education to fuel China’s ongoing competition with the United States in the international market. President Peña Nieto said China sought to aid the Mexican economy by promising to import more pork and tequila.[21] As more trade and investment agreements are being made, Mexico and China are changing from competitors to partners in multiple sectors.

Is Mexico Ready?

The “Investment Climate Statement” published by the Department of State in 2013, states that Mexico has a relatively open market for foreign investment in which 95 percent of businesses do not need government approval before opening. Also, the report suggests that Mexico has successfully made the process of starting a new business less difficult. However, despite Mexico’s relatively open market, there are still a few sectors that are tightly controlled by the government. For example, the energy and telecommunication sector only allow for restricted access. Within the energy sector, the oil industry remain strictly controlled by the state. At the same time, the telecommunications sector only allows up to 49 percent of foreign control.[22]

Further reforms have been made to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). More specifically, the new Public-Private Partnership (PPP), enacted in 2012, has attempted to create a more efficient legal framework. The PPP law also makes the bidding process in Mexico more competitive, efficient, and transparent.[23]

On the other hand, updated laws do not guarantee protection for foreign businesses. Many steps need to be taken before Mexico can become an ideal destination for foreign investors. Because of Mexico’s rampant corruption, foreign businesses that decide to invest in Mexico face the challenges of local governmental venality, as well as the issue of transparency. In fact, a major railway project fueled by Chinese investment was cancelled because of a corruption scandal that was connected to Mexico’s current president.

Hiccups Along the Road

Just when Mexico and China seemed to be building a promising relationship, Mexico surprised China with the cancellation of a China-led bid for a bullet train project. Mexico’s cancellation, right before President Peña Nieto’s scheduled visit to China for the APEC, created tension between the two countries. The railroad project was worth $3.7 billion USD, and it would have run 130 miles from Mexico City to Querétaro.[24] The project was cancelled because one of the four Mexico companies bidding with the state-owned China Railway Construction Corporation (CRCC) was allegedly involved in corruption scandal tied to the President. The state-owned China Railway Construction Corporation (CRCC) and four other Mexican companies led the bid. After the cancellation, China stated that it was shocked by such a decision as it had complied with Mexico’s bidding requirements throughout the project, stating that this was Mexico’s domestic affair in which China was not involved.[25]

In January, only months after the cancellation of the railway project, President Peña Nieto pulled the plug on yet another Chinese-invested project. The Dragon Mart Mall was scheduled to be built south of Cancún where a growing number of Chinese tourists have started to visit. This multimillion dollar project was put on hold, after commencing in 2013, because it has severely damaged sensitive beaches and plantations in the area. This resulted in a ruling in which the Mexico’s Environmental Protection Agency issued a $1.5 million USD fine against the Dragon Mart Mall developer.[26] This project would have been the second largest venue for Chinese shoppers outside of China. The developer failed to obtain a permit from the local government at the beginning of the project, but after a series of appeals and legal processes, the project obtained a permit and construction resumed.[27]

Conclusion

In conclusion, it is obvious that Mexico and China have had difficulties within their relations, but the general trend suggests that Chinese investment in Mexico will continue to grow. China is now Mexico’s second largest trading partner, and more cooperation seems likely judging by the trade promises made by each country’s President. Despite two failed investments, China Telecommunications Corporation, the parent of China’s third-largest carrier, is searching for potential investment projects in Mexico.[28] Even though China was shocked by Mexico’s decision to cancel major Chinese-funded projects, and although it caused temporary tension between the two countries, it apparently will not affect future plans China may have for investing in Mexico.

Moreover, China’s presence in Latin America is increasing, and is a popular topic frequently discussed by scholars and specialists. With China’s rapid economic development, its need for natural resources is insatiable. Latin America’s vast amount of resources, as well as its shared position with China on imperialism, make it a region ripe for Chinese investment. For two decades, Mexico and China have competed for shares of the U.S. market. In short, competition between the two countries has become somewhat less intense due to Mexico’s need for foreign investment in infrastructure projects, allowing China to invest and develop in Mexico just as it is in the rest of the region. A mutually beneficial relationship now seems to be in the making.

*Chen Jiang, Research Associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs

Photo Credit:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/enriquepenanieto/8626698656/in/photolist-e9j5XJ-a4EcQ7-a4FxHw-rspfo9-qvHgK2-rspeDy-r9bf2B-rb3HiX-r9bfdP-rqcGWj-qvHfki-rb3GA4-raW8KY-r9bfsB-rso3Sz-qvv2pU-e9hdcZ-eFqnkT-r6AYBa-q9XHUp-rb3Gmr-qvHfyp

Notes:
[1] “International Competition and Industrial Evolution: Evidence from the Impact of Chinese Competition on Mexican Maquiladoras,” Published December 2010, http://spot.colorado.edu/~utar/index_files/ChineseCompetition.pdf

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] “Between Competition and Cooperation: Mexico-China Commercial Relations in a Globalized World”, Edgardo Arturo Ayala and Mario Villarreal, Published December 2007, http://sitios.itesm.mx/egap/que_es_egap/inv_pub/EGAP_EC_07_02.pdf

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] “How China Is Eating Mexico’s Lunch”, Daniel H. Rosen, Published 2003, http://www.netlinguae.com.br/adm/arquivos/china_mexico_lunch.pdf

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid.

[10] “NAFTA’s Uninvited Guest: China And The Disintegration Of North American Trade”, Enrique Dussel Peters and Kevin P. Gallagher, Published August 2013, http://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/37000/RVI110DusselGallagher_en.pdf?sequence=1

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] http://trade.gov/mas/manufacturing/OAAI/build/groups/public/@tg_oaai/documents/webcontent/tg_oaai_004047.pdf

[17] Anthony Harrup, “Mexican Government Boosts Infrastructure Investment Plan,” Wall Street Journal, published April 28,2014, http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052702304163604579530131171053254.

[18] “The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank,” The Economist, published March 21, 2015, http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21646740-development-finance-helps-china-win-friends-and-influence-american-allies-infrastructure-gap.

[19] “China Expands Infrastructure Project in Latin America,” China-US Focus, published December 9, 2014, http://www.chinausfocus.com/finance-economy/china-expands-infrastructure-projects-in-latin-america/.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Elisabeth Malkin, “Xi makes Brige-Building Trip to Mexico,” The New York Times, published June 4, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/05/world/americas/xi-makes-bridge-building-trip-to-mexico.html?_r=0.

[22] “2013 Investment Climate Statement – Mexico,” U.S. Department of State (February 2013), http://www.state.gov/e/eb/rls/othr/ics/2013/204693.htm

[23] Vicente Corta Fernadez, et. al., Open for Investment: How Mexico is Paving the Way for Infrastructure Investors (New York: White & Case, LLP., 2014).

[24] Austin Ramzy, “Dismay From China After Mexico Cancels High-Speed Rail Bid,” The New York Times, published November 10, 2014, http://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/11/10/dismay-from-china-after-mexico-cancels-high-speed-rail-bid/.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Cecilia Sanchez, “Mexico halts Chinese mega-mall project after damage to environment,” LA Times, published January 28, 2015, http://www.latimes.com/world/mexico-americas/la-fg-mexico-closing-chinese-megamall-20150128-story.html.

[27] Ibid.

[28] “CORRECTED – China Telecom parent studying Mexico investment – spokesman,” Reuters, published January 19, 2015, http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/19/mexico-china-telecommunications-idUSL1N0UW0EA20150119.

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India’s Rafale Deal: Much Needed Infusion For IAF – Analysis

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By Air Marshal M. Matheswaran, AVSM VM PhD, (Retd)*

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to France has resulted in several important agreements being signed. Two agreements stand out as the most important of these: the first is the inter-governmental agreement to buy 36 Rafale fighters off the shelf; the second is to expedite a techno-commercial agreement for the Jaitapur nuclear power plant project.

While the second was simply to ease the hindrances to an already concluded agreement, it is the first one that is of great relevance. The Rafale deal announced by the prime minister is indeed a very smart strategic decision taken by him. It is indicative of a deft and far-sighted handling of the issue by him. It, in all probability, brings down the curtains on the painfully long-drawn defence acquisition case.

Related: India: Why The Rafale Deal Must Be Welcomed – Analysis

The MMRCA (Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft) case has become a classic demonstration of the painful process of India’s defence acquisition system. The Defence Minister Manohar Parikkar described it accurately when he stated that “We kept going in circles”, with no end in sight. The requirement for replacements for ageing fleets of the Indian Air Force (IAF) began to be projected in the early 1990s. While the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) was meant to replace the Ajeets and MiG-21s, the MMRCA was to plug the voids being created by the other ageing fleets like Mig-23s and 27s.

True to our style, two decades later both haven’t materialised. The result is the alarming reduction in force levels of the IAF. The revised MMRCA acquisition process began in 2004, with the stated intention to induct the first squadron by 2008-09. Touted as the biggest fighter acquisition tender, the procurement got stuck in the intricate cobwebs of the acquisition process that we created. What stands out glaringly now is the question on the effectiveness of our acquisition process. It appears that we were more interested in demonstrating to the world the fairness and professionalism of our acquisition system rather than demand compliance to national interests explicitly and boldly.

Quite naturally, a huge procurement case like the MMRCA has considerable strategic implications that deal with technology acquisition (not just licence production), joint ventures, exports as part of global supply chain, collaboration in R & D, and enabling of the defence industrial ecosystem. Users’ requirement of operational performance and life-cycle costs is just the first step. Unfortunately, as it often happens, users’ requirements take centre-stage and national strategic requirements take backstage. As a result the tender process of the MMRCA has got stuck because of the conflict between the narrow tactical focus of the users’ requirement and the larger interest of the nation in terms of strategic value of the huge costs involved.

Related: India’s Rafale Conundrum: Lessons To Be Learned – Analysis

So what is the impact of the prime minister’s announcement to procure 36 Rafale aircraft through an inter-governmental agreement? The most important result is the liberating impact on the two governments. It frees the Indian government from the prison of its own making – the long-delayed acquisition process that has outlived its cost control, operational, and strategic utility. The decision has enabled the government to support the IAF to rebuild its strength in a rapid manner. This agreement will enable the IAF to have two fully operational Rafale squadrons in less than three years from now.

Besides, the possibility of increasing this strength by another squadron is a distinct possibility at a later date, much like the Mirage 2000 procurement in the past. It soothes the French government’s sensitivities by putting our strategic partnership on an even keel, as there are bigger economic cooperation programmes to deal with. Having addressed the immediate issues through the inter-governmental procurement, the government now has the time on its side to address larger strategic issues through a more carefully thought out strategy.

What happens to the ongoing MMRCA negotiations? The joint statement has made it clear that it will continue as a separate issue and that the 36 aircraft deal is not linked to it. To understand this one needs to read between the lines. By delaying it endlessly, the 126 aircraft deal has become a question mark on its financial viability. Besides, there have been serious questions on Dassault’s willingness to comply with technology requirements and cost control. In the current context of ‘Make in India’ strategy, it may need to be dealt with outside the limits imposed by the RFP (Request for proposal). In effect, this will mean scrapping of the MMRCA RFP process so that the government is free to make a decision meeting the larger national interests. Effectively, the inter-governmental agreement has sealed the fate of the RFP process.

Is there a case for MMRCA manufacture? Certainly! And this needs to be addressed in a manner so as to meet the larger strategic interests of the country. By selecting an aircraft through an inter-governmental decision the country could achieve its larger objectives of ‘Make in India’ by ensuring requisite technology acquisition, develop the aerospace industrial eco-system to become part of the global supply chain, create collaborative joint ventures for future developmental projects, and build a strong defence export industry. This could be Rafale or any other aircraft as long as the government is able to address the core issues of technology transfer, joint production, and design collaboration in future projects.

That raises an important question on our acquisition system. Is it wise to go for a competitive RFP process for high-value defence procurements? The MMRCA experience clearly indicates a big “NO”. It would be better that such procurements are done through inter-governmental process where strategic interests are unambiguously stated, negotiated without compromise, and rapidly set into motion without the threat of the Damocles’s swords of Central Vigilance Commission and Comptroller and Auditor General. It is important that in such a decision-making, professionals and technocrats rather than a generalist bureaucracy aid the political leadership.

*Air Marshal Matheswaran (Retd), was Deputy Chief at HQ Integrated Defence Staff dealing with Policy, Plans, and Force Development from 2012 until retirement in March 2014. He is currently an Advisor to Chairman HAL and Advisor to Aerospace Task Force of FICCI. He can be contacted at matheswaran2005@gmail.com

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Bangladesh: Some Peace But Khaleda In Trouble – Analysis

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By Rupak Bhattacharjee*

While the aam admi, or common man, of Bangladesh has got much-needed reprieve from continued street violence and hartals, former premier Khaleda Zia’s political future appears to be uncertain as she faces trials in at least 10 cases for her alleged involvement in misappropriation of funds, loan default and instigating violence. The 69 year-old leader of the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) could be jailed for life if proved guilty in some of the charges brought against her.

In a significant development on April 5, Khaleda was granted bail in two graft cases after she appeared before Dhaka’s Third Metropolitan Special Court. Khaleda was charged with siphoning off about $650,000 from Zia Charitable Trust and Zia Orphanage Trust during her second term as prime minister from 2001 to 2006. Both the trusts are named after her late husband, Ziaur Rahman — the first military ruler of the country.

These two cases against Khaleda, her eldest son and BNP senior vice president, Tareque Rahman, and seven others were filed by Bangladesh’s Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) in 2008. The trial proceedings began in early 2014. Khaleda was indicted in both the cases and her son in the orphanage case. On February 25, the court issued an arrest warrant against her after she skipped several hearings in the cases. The court also ordered appearance of her son Tareque, now staying in Britain, as another prime accused in the two graft cases.

Khaleda refused to attend the court hearings citing health and security reasons. She came to the court on April 5 amid tight security. The judge set May 5 as the next date for hearing the cases. Khaleda’s lawyers rejected the charges saying they are politically motivated and aimed at destroying her family, which the authorities deny.

The court’s decision to grant her bail was seen by many as an indication of easing tension in the politically volatile South Asian nation. The prosecution lawyer earlier told the court they would not oppose bail application filed by Khaleda’s counsels considering her “status, social and political dignity and age”. The judge reportedly said he had no wish to send Khaleda to jail, given her age and that if she was found innocent, she would be acquitted. It may be added that the arrest warrant has never been executed.

In another encouraging sign, the BNP headquarters at Naya Paltan area of the capital city was opened on April 5 after three months and police allowed the party activists to enter there. Fearing political violence, the police had locked the BNP central office on January 3. Meanwhile, street demonstrations and transport blockades were halted on the eve of World Cup cricket tournament in which Bangladesh participated. The Awami League (AL) government also stopped its crackdown on BNP leaders and activists.

These developments of the last few weeks have provided huge relief to the people from non-stop violence and transport blockade that has claimed more than 120 lives and left thousands injured. The BNP leads a 20-party opposition alliance which enforced indefinite hartals across the country demanding Sheikh Hasina’s resignation and mid-term polls under a non-partisan neutral caretaker administration. Prime Minister Hasina insists that the next general elections will be held only after the completion of her five-year term in 2019.

Related: Hoping For A Peaceful Bangladesh – Analysis

It seems Khaleda will have to wait till the 11th Jatiya Sangsad elections to stage a comeback to power. In the meantime, she has to cope with the trials in several other cases. On March 22, Bangladesh’s First Money Loan Court summoned Khaleda, her Malaysia-based daughter-in-law and two granddaughters to explain their positions in writing on the charges of loan default brought by Sonali Bank — a leading state-owned commercial bank in Bangladesh. On October 2, 2012, the bank officials registered a case against the directors of their family-owned company Dandy Dyeing Ltd. for defaulting on a loan of $5.8 million which was borrowed on October 16, 2001. The judge fixed April 12 for framing and hearing the case.

In addition to these, Khaleda is facing three corruption cases, namely the Niko, Gatco and Barapukuria coal mine graft cases. The ACC filed the first two cases in 2007 while the third one was registered in 2008. Reports suggest that the chief justice of Supreme Court has recently assigned a new High Court bench to deal with four separate petitions submitted by Khaleda challenging the legality of proceedings in three graft cases against her. Besides, she has been confronting at least four charges of inciting violence during the anti-government street agitations.

The allegations of corruption against Khaleda surfaced earlier too. She was incarcerated for about two years (2007-2008) when the then military-backed caretaker government detained her as part of a nationwide crackdown on corruption. The alleged involvement of BNP’s top leaders, including Khaleda and her son, in money laundering and other financial irregularities was one of the key reasons for the party’s rout in the December 2008 elections.

It cannot be denied that BNP’s founder Zia ur Rahman first institutionalised corruption in Bangladesh. In its bid to expand the civilian support base, Zia’s military regime doled out state largesse to numerous businessmen and potential entrepreneurs. They took loans from state-funded financial institutions in the name of launching new industrial or business units that in most cases existed only on paper. The ongoing money laundering cases against Khaleda and her family members are to be seen in the light of the country’s past political trends. It is a popular belief in Bangladesh that Zia laid the foundation of corruption and former president H.M. Ershad eventually built a palace over it. Thus rooting out corruption from the polity is a challenge of governance for the ruling AL.

Related: Are Islamic Extremists Poised To Swallow Bangladesh? – Analysis

One more positive development in the recent weeks has been BNP’s decision to take part in the upcoming mayoral and local council polls. The BNP’s performance in the local body elections of 2013 was impressive. It remains to be seen how the party fares this time because the common people of Bangladesh tend to support the party which is viewed as underdog. But at the same time, the BNP leaders need to guard against over optimism as it has been noticed in some South Asian countries, including India and Sri Lanka, during the last one year that corruption issues dominated the electioneering and largely determined the outcome of the polls.

Khaleda’s fate in Bangladesh politics hangs in balance given the sheer number of trials she has been facing. Khaleda’s conviction in one or more cases may further erode her popularity among the electorate. It will be interesting to see how the ex-premier charts her political course in the coming days.

*Dr. Rupak Bhattacharjee is an independent analyst based in Delhi. He can be reached at contributions@spsindia.in

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Pakistan: Cybercrime Bill Threatens Rights, Says HRW

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Pakistani lawmakers should reject a new cybercrime prevention bill which contains provisions which threaten rights of privacy and freedom of expression.

In a joint statement published on April 20 and distributed to Pakistani members of parliament, Human Rights Watch joined nongovernmental organizations Article 19, Bolo Bhi, Bytes for All, Digital Rights Foundation, Pakistan for All, and Privacy International in expressing deep concern about elements of the new Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act 2015 (PECA) bill which violate Pakistan’s commitments to universal human rights standards.

“The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act bill neither protects the public from legitimate online security concerns nor respects fundamental human rights,” said Phelim Kine, Asia division deputy director at Human Rights Watch. “In its present form, Pakistan’s cybercrime prevention bill will instead institutionalize unacceptable violations of basic rights with a thin veneer of legality.”

Related: Pakistan: Women, Violence And Conflict – Analysis

The bill’s abusive elements include provisions that allow the government to censor online content and to criminalize Internet user activity under extremely broad criteria which could be susceptible to abusive interpretation. The bill also permits government authorities access to the data of Internet users without any form of judicial review process to justify that access.

The National Assembly Standing Committee on Information Technology and Telecommunication approved the bill on April 16 and it now awaits consideration by the National Assembly and the Senate. Minister of State for Information Technology Advocate Anusha Rehman Khan has defended the bill as a means to prevent cybercrime, defend national security, and boost and protect information technology, e-commerce, and e-payments systems.

However, provisions of the bill which pose a threat to human rights and the security of internet users include the following:

  • Article 9 criminalizes anyone who “prepares or disseminates” any type of electronic communication with the intent to praise a person simply “accused of a crime,” or to “advance religious, ethnic or sectarian hatred,” as well as the more conventional intent to praise terrorism or proscribed organizations. The ambiguity of these categories of “glorification” invites abusive interpretation; for example, someone could be prosecuted for merely blogging about persons arrested, in violation of freedom of expression and the presumption of innocence.
  • Article 10 defines “Cyber-terrorism” as including “glorification” of crime (article 9 above) or unauthorized access to, copying, or transmission of “critical” information with intent to create a sense of fear or insecurity in the government or the public or to advance religious, ethnic, or sectarian hatred. These vague definitions create a serious potential threat to whistleblowers who may seek to publicly reveal intelligence that shows abuses by government officials or agencies.
  • Article 28 gives an “authorized officer” the unilateral and unchecked power to order the provision of data or the preservation of data whenever the officer believes it is “reasonably required for the purposes of a criminal investigation” and there is risk the data may be later inaccessible. While the authorized officer is required to notify a court of such requests, the provision does not require the court to examine the legitimacy of the request or impose any particular safeguards for rights. When combined with expansive data retention requirements under article 29, this article raises serious concerns about unrestrained government access to private communications and chilling of the freedom of expression and association.
  • Article 34 enables broad government powers of censorship, including authorizing blocking or removing online content if it considers it “necessary in the interest of the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defence of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court or commission of or incitement to an offence under this Act.” The bill does not require an approval from a court, and undermines any ability to safeguard against misuse of the provision. This article’s sweeping scope violates freedom of expression and could be used to purge virtually anything the government doesn’t like.

“Pakistan’s Prevention of Electronic Crimes bill constitutes a clear and present danger to human rights on the pretext of addressing legitimate fears about cybercrime,” Kine said. “If Pakistan’s government is serious about protecting its citizens from online threats to their rights and security, it should start by overhauling the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act bill to remove its potentially abusive provisions.”

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Modi’s Grand Gesture: Remembering India’s Forgotten Ghosts – OpEd

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By Amit Dasgupta

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly demonstrated his penchant for departing from convention. He did this, yet again, in France through a spectacular gesture by paying homage to the Indian soldiers who had laid down their lives during the First World War.

In several European countries, Indian soldiers lie buried and yet, never before has an Indian prime minister visited a memorial that commemorates their profound sacrifice in a war that was not their own, for a monarch that was not theirs and in a country they did not belong to. Such was their tragedy. They had become the forgotten ghosts.

Related: World War II: Time To Mark India’s Contributions – Analysis

I recall an extraordinary documentary film “Half Moon Files” that was made by my friend Philip Scheffner. The film was on Indian soldiers who had been interred in a German POW camp that went by the rather odd name ‘Half Moon’. The Germans in the area had never seen an Indian before and when they saw the Sikh soldiers with their turbans and long beards, they found them strange, even exotic. It was like going to the zoo. Even the language the captured soldiers spoke in was unknown to them. German scientists, who were experimenting with Shellac records, decided to record their voices using a phonographic funnel. Each recording became a file and hence the name ‘Half Moon Files’. This was as early as 1916. Despite the bombing of Berlin during World War II, the archives survived. Ninety years later, Philip’s documentary, which is sub-titled ‘A Ghost Story’ captures their tragic circumstances.

Many of the soldiers died in the camps. They were buried in unmarked graves not too far from Berlin. With the invasion of Germany, Russian tanks that entered Berlin drove over the graves destroying the tombstones. The defeat of Germany and its subsequent division saw the area fall within East Germany.

When I first visited the area, accompanied by Philip, I was told that on Sundays, East German families from an adjacent village would congregate for picnics around the broken and scattered tombstones. One of them said to me, “They are alone and far away from home, and when they hear the sound of laughter, especially of children, they are at peace.” Several years later, the Commonwealth War Graves Commission renovated the entire area. It now stands as a solemn memorial to the unknown dead.

When Philip first stumbled across the Half Moon files and listened to the Shellac records, he was mesmerized. “My hair stood up,” he told me, “It was as if I was in the presence of ghosts!” As the phonograph turned, a crackling voice broke the silence of the German archives library. It was in a language Philip could not understand but he began to have goose pimples. A voice spoke without emotion, almost listlessly. It was of Mall Singh, and he said [translated], “There once was a man. The man came into the European war. Germany captured this man. He wishes to return to India. If God has mercy, he will make peace soon. This man will go away from here.” He spoke in a passive voice, as if he no longer was who he was. This was the ultimate and tragic disconnect.

When I first met the villagers, they spoke of an abandoned house from where they could hear voices every night and in a language that was alien. The children, who had first heard the voices when they were playing near the house, had told their parents about it. Disbelieving at first, the parents finally visited the house to reassure the children that what they thought they had heard was simply untrue. But then, they too heard the voices.

Shocked and surprised, they entered the house with torches but found no one. The voices too had become silent. Once they were outside, they heard the voices again. An old man, who had heard about the house and the voices from his parents, told me that no one was scared of the voices because “they were not unfriendly. Only lost and helpless.” Sometimes they heard the voices weep.

I listened to the Shellac records at the archive and will never forget how the crackling voice of Bhawan Singh broke my heart. He said, perhaps in hope, “When a person dies, he constantly roams about and becomes a ghost. It is the soul that roams about. The roaming soul is like air. So, a ghost is like air. It can go everywhere.” Had his soul gone home? I do not know but I dearly wish it has and that he and his comrades have found peace.

The prime minister’s decision to visit the war memorial at Neuve Chapelle will be remembered long after the Rafael aircraft purchase and the Airbus offer to ‘Make in India’ is forgotten. A nation that does not honour its dead only diminishes itself.

*Amit Dasgupta, a former diplomat, was Deputy Ambassador in Germany from September 2002–January 2007. He currently heads the Mumbai campus of the SP Jain School of Global Management. He can be reached at contributions@spsindia.in

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Egypt: Court Delivers Morsi 20 Year Jail Term

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An Egyptian court on Tuesday sentenced ousted President Mohamed Morsi to 20 years in jail on violence-related charges.

Morsi, Egypt’s first freely elected president, was found guilty of inciting the murder of demonstrators outside Cairo’s Ittihadiya presidential palace in 2012.

Tuesday’s verdict was the first against Morsi since his ouster and imprisonment by the army in mid-2013. Since then, he has been slapped with numerous criminal charges, which he and his supporters insist are politically motivated.

Related: Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt And Changing Political Groupings In Mideast – Analysis

Although a total of 11 people – including eight Morsi supporters – were killed in the violence, the trial only addresses the death of one reporter and two anti-Morsi demonstrators.

Morsi was ousted by the military in July of 2013 – after only one year in office – following protests against his presidency.

Since Morsi’s ouster, Egyptian authorities have launched a relentless crackdown on dissent that has largely targeted Morsi’s Islamist supporters, leaving hundreds dead and thousands behind bars.

Original article

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China’s President Xi Jinping Concludes Pakistan Visit

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(RFE/RL) — Chinese President Xi Jinping has concluded a two-day visit to Pakistan after signing accords worth some $46 billion to set up an economic corridor linking the two countries.

Xi told Pakistani lawmakers in Islamabad on April 21 during a televised address to the parliament that their country “has a historic development opportunity” and that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif “has crafted the vision of the Asian tiger dream.”

In a speech to parliament after Xi, Sharif pledged to strengthen Pakistani-Chinese ties, saying: “We will fight together to eliminate the menace of terrorism.”

Related: China’s Xi Visits Pakistan: Strategic Implications For India – Analysis

Xi later met with Pakistani President Mamnoon Hussain in Islamabad on April 21 before flying to Indonesia for a summit.

Hussain awarded Xi with the Nishan-e-Pakistan, the country’s highest civilian decoration, at a ceremony at the presidential residence also attended by Sharif.

Xi also praised Pakistan in his parliament address, saying the country had “painted a picture” of a special partnership between Beijing and its closest ally in South Asia.

In one of several allusions to Islamic militants and other security threats, Xi said the countries are linked by “similar suffering” and “shared struggles that have brought our hearts and minds together.”

He praised Islamabad’s counterterrorism efforts, saying China will “never forget” that Pakistan has “contributed greatly” to security along China’s western border.

China is a leading arms supplier to Pakistan and has sought its help in combating anti-Chinese Islamic separatists reportedly hiding in Pakistan’s lawless tribal areas.

Related: China-Pakistan Economic Corridor – Analysis

Pakistani lawmakers punctuated Xi’s speech with polite applause and table-thumping, and gave him a standing ovation at the end.

Military leaders and foreign ambassadors also attended the speech.

On April 20, Xi and Sharif signed agreements to begin building the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a network of roads, railway, and pipelines linking western China with Pakistan’s Arabian Sea coast.

The corridor is part of China’s aim to forge “Silk Road” land and sea ties to markets in the Middle East and Europe.

They launched energy and infrastructure projects valued at about $46 billion.

Pakistani Minister for Planning and Development Ahsan Iqbal said that up to $37 billion of that would be spent on Pakistan’s troubled electrical grid.

Iqbal said projects worth $28 billion were ready to be rolled out, while it will take three to five years for the rest of them to start.

In his speech, Xi said such deals would bolster Pakistan’s economy.

China and Pakistan have long maintained close political and military relations, based partly on mutual antipathy toward their common neighbor India.

Related: China-Pakistan: A Strategic Relationship In The Shadows – Analysis

But China and India have improved their ties recently, and Xi’s visit appeared aimed in part to reassure Pakistan.

Xi called Pakistan a “great neighbor and a great friend” and said the countries share an “all-weather friendship.”

The Chinese president had planned to visit last year but postponed the trip due to antigovernment protests in Pakistan, and instead traveled to India.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to visit Beijing in the coming weeks.

The post China’s President Xi Jinping Concludes Pakistan Visit appeared first on Eurasia Review.

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