Quantcast
Channel: Eurasia Review
Viewing all 73679 articles
Browse latest View live

Vietnamese President Set To Steal Show At Manila APEC Meeting – OpEd

$
0
0

Vietnam’s popular President Truong Tan Sang is set to steal the show at the two-day Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders’ Meeting in Manila this week for at least three reasons.

First, Vietnam — a rising star in Asia — is an epitome of free trade, the flesh and blood of APEC. Thanks to its commitment to free trade, bold economic and political reforms (doi moi), Vietnam has blossomed into a lower-middle-income country from one of the poorest countries in the world in less than three decades. The country, which joined APEC in 1998, utilized the regional grouping to boost its exports and become a haven for foreign investors and global manufacturers. The Vietnamese economy is still growing more than 6 percent per year despite the global financial crisis.

Vietnam’s cumulative foreign direct investment, as of June 2015, was US$257 billion, making it the third-largest recipient of FDI in ASEAN after Singapore and Indonesia. Vietnam is today ASEAN’s biggest exporter to the US, according to the US Census Bureau data, with $30.58 billion of exports last year. It is becoming, in the words of many, a “second China”.

Second, Vietnam recently joined the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a trade agreement the main aim of which is to cut trade barriers and set common standards among its 12 Pacific Rim member countries ranging from the giant US to tiny Brunei Darussalam. The ambitious trade pact is the economic cornerstone of US President Barack Obama’s drive to refocus on Asia.

“The TPP is central to our vision of the region’s future and our place in it,” Obama’s national security advisor Susan E. Rice told the International New York Times and other media recently.

In the true spirit of free trade, Vietnam also signed the Free Trade Agreement, which will eliminate almost all tariffs on trade between signatories, with the EU in August. Before that Vietnam became the first ASEAN country to sign a free trade agreement with the newly established Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), an economic union of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia with a common market of 176 million people and a combined GDP of $2.5 trillion.

Due to these free trade agreements, it is expected that Vietnam’s exports, which stood at $150.2 billion in 2014, may surpass the $200 billion mark in two to three years’ time.

Global leaders, including British Prime Minister David Cameron and Chinese President Xi Jinping, have been rushing to Hanoi or inviting Vietnamese leaders to their countries to forge new ties and explore opportunities, while Obama will also soon visit Vietnam to strengthen the strategic relations between the two countries.

Third, Vietnam is one of the main claimant countries in the South China Sea (SCS) disputes, claiming the Paracel and Spratly Islands. Many APEC leaders want to hear first hand from President Sang about the disputes, which pose a major threat to peace and security in the region. While APEC leaders cannot officially discuss the most contentious parts of the SCS issue, it will nonetheless be a hot topic during bilateral meetings. Both Vietnam and Philippines want the SCS disputes to be solved through peaceful negotiations according to international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Many APEC leaders will be keen for bilateral talks with the Vietnamese president during the two-day meeting in Manila; host President Benigno Aquino III will hold bilateral talks with Sang and 10 other APEC leaders.

In 2017, Vietnam will host the APEC leaders’ meeting, while the following year’s meeting will be held in Peru.

President Sang is set to reiterate in Manila that Vietnam will strongly support measures to fulfill the Bogor Goals and Bali commitments and to liberalize and facilitate trade and investment.

Bilaterally, Vietnam and the Philippines have very good relations. Sang and his Philippine counterpart Aquino are close friends and have a strong rapport. In fact, the two leaders met during the last year’s APEC meeting in Beijing and agreed to boost bilateral relations and work closely within regional and international forums.

Just last month, they jointly organized the eighth Vietnam-Philippine Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC) ministerial meeting in Hanoi. The Vietnamese delegation was headed by Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Pham Binh Minh.

“Upgrading the Vietnam-Philippines relationship to a new height will not only push forward bilateral ties, it will also make a positive contribution to peace, co-operation and development in the region, as well as unity within ASEAN,” Minh said in a statement after the JCBC meeting.

Expressing a similar view, the Philippines emphasized that the growing ties were for the benefit of both countries’ people.

“Regular meetings between the Philippines and Vietnam reflect the commitment of both to continuously find ways to improve cooperation, deepen engagement and broaden avenues for further collaborative endeavors for the benefit of the Filipino and Vietnamese people,” Philippine Foreign Secretary Albert F. Del Rosario said in a press release issued by the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs.

During Sang’s visit to Manila, the most important event, besides the APEC meeting, will be the signing of an agreement on establishing a strategic partnership between the Philippines and Vietnam, adding to the latter’s current two strategic partners – Indonesia and Thailand – in Southeast Asia.


Hindu Prayers Sought In British Schools

$
0
0

A Hindu group wants Hindu prayers to be included in the daily acts of collective worship in British schools.

The current practice of collective worship focused on and favoring one religion is unfair and discriminatory to Hindu children, children of other religions and no-faith, Hindu statesman Rajan Zed stressed in a statement in Nevada today.

Zed, who is President of Universal Society of Hinduism, pointed out that as argued by the government; statutory collective worship, introduced in 1945, might play important role in schools; but it must include Hindu prayers also because of substantial presence of Hindu children in United Kingdom (UK) schools.

Rajan Zed noted that it was simply inappropriate to have worship highlighting only majority religion in increasingly diverse, plural and multicultural British schools; thus disrespecting the rights of children, parents and teachers of other faiths and no-faith. Is this the British way to “promote community spirit”, “encouraging cohesive and inclusive school communities” and “respect and understanding for others”? Zed asked.

Many parents were unaware that they could withdraw their kids from such assemblies because of inadequate/unclear information/communication. All collective worship activities should be made public, Zed added.

A two-year research network project funded by Swindon headquartered Arts and Humanities Research Council, publicly funded and incorporated by Royal Charter, has reportedly recommended scrapping of schools’ religious assemblies. Presently, UK schools are reportedly required to offer daily acts of collective worship.

Socio-Political Ethics In Islam And The West: A Comparative Perspective

$
0
0

At the outset it must be clarified that there are commonalities among religions so far as their spiritual and philosophical messages are concerned but at the same time there are distinctive and differential characteristics as well. However, these distinctive characteristics must not be conceived as fault lines between civilizations capable of generating third world war as Huntington would like us to believe.1 These differences or unique features must be celebrated as diversities of the common heritage of our existing human civilization as reaffirmed in the UNESCO’s Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity. Article 1 of the Declaration affirms “Culture takes diverse forms across time and space. This diversity is embodied in the uniqueness and plurality of the identities of the groups and societies making up humankind. As a source of exchange, innovation and creativity, cultural diversity is as necessary for humankind as biodiversity is for nature. In this sense, it is the common heritage of humanity and should be recognized and affirmed for the benefit of present and future generations (Article 1 of the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity: 2001).” It further asserts that “Cultural diversity widens the range of options open to everyone; it is one of the roots of development, understood not simply in terms of economic growth, but also as a means to achieve a more satisfactory intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual existence (Article 1 of the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity: 2001).

It should also be borne in mind that after the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 and subsequent collapse of socialism in Eurasia, Francis Fukuyama was emboldened to pronounce the death of Communism and declare the victory of Liberalism/Capitalism over all rival or competing ideologies (Fukuyama: 1993). Fukuyama seems to be partially right that the Western liberal democracy based on tolerance of dissents is one of the finest systems of governance. But he errs when he thinks that it (Western liberal democracy) is the common standard of achievements for all cultures and civilizations. He himself accepts: “More than ten years ago, I argued we had reached the ‘end of history’: not that historical events would stop, but that History understood as the evolution of human societies through different forms of government had culminated in modern liberal democracy and market-oriented capitalism (Fukuyama: 2002, 27-28).”

He asserts: “ It is my view that this hypothesis remains correct, despite the events since September 11: modernity, as represented by the United States and other developed democracies, will remain the dominant force in world politics, and the institutions embodying the West’s underlying principles of freedom and equality will continue to spread around the world (Fukuyama: 2002, 28).”).” In fact, the plethora of serious literature available on cultural relativism or the great debate on universalism versus relativism establishes it quite clearly that the monopolistic discourse on common standards is not acceptable in its present form to a vast majority of people living in the non-Western world. In the Western world itself the discontents against electoral democracy controlled by corporate elite is a matter of significant concern. Notwithstanding all these, it cannot be denied that democracy as an accountable and responsible system of governance is widely accepted as the ideal form of government.

Winston Churchill had eloquently defended democracy by saying: “Democracy is the worst form of government except all the other forms that have been tried from time to time (Heywood: 1997, 65).” Moreover, it is also true that the liberal model of democracy based on tolerance of dissents is the product of the peculiar circumstances faced by the West in early modern period. The factors like Dark Age, the Church-State conflict, and people facing subjugation of worst kind from the reactionary medieval institutions prepared ground for Renaissance, Reformation and Enlightenment which further contributed to Western modernity and liberalism. The same sequence of events or historical evolution is not noticed in other societies simply because other societies had different challenges and predicaments. Thus the non-Western societies tried to address the problems and challenges according to their own cultural milieu and civilizational consciousness.

It is desirable to mention especially in the context of the Eastern societies that here religion plays the deterministic normative role in structuring and restructuring of social and political institutions. It is because all major religions of the world were born in the East whereas no major political ideologies originated in the East. Again, all major political ideologies originated in the West but no major religion took birth in the West. Thus political ideologies in the West and Religion in the East will continue to be a major force. The ‘End of History’ thesis can thus be applied on the West but not to the East because there is a resurgence of identity politics and not the decline of the normative value of religion. The Hindutva- based majoritarian cultural nationalism capable of culminating into fascism in India,2 the Theo-fascism in Pakistan supported and championed by a section of conservative, sectarian and fundamentalist followers of Islam,3 the Arab Spring and its subsequent Islamization,4 the ethnic conflict in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar5 and numerous other events influenced by the forces of religion establish this fact that religion is perhaps the most significant factor in determining the socio-political ethics in the East. It is interesting that political resurgence of religion in the East is transcending the continental boundaries to find a noticeable space in the West. The current bout of xenophobia expressed through peaceful as well as violent means and growing Islamophobia markedly evident in the West is a pointer to the fact.

It is observed that of late there seems to be a kind of consensus being built up in the academic fraternity in the West regarding the significance of normative value of Islam in the changing scenario of the Muslim world. There are many Western scholars who see a political resurgence of Islam in the past few decades especially after the great Islamic Revolution of Iran, 1979. American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington is one such serious scholar who believes that there is an upsurge in the process of Islamization. He observes about the political resurgence of Islam that it “is a broad intellectual, cultural, social, and political movement prevalent throughout the Islamic world (Huntington: 1997, 110).”

He further observes: “…Islamic Resurgence in its extent and profundity is the latest phase in the adjustment of Islamic civilization to the West, an effort to find the “solution” not in Western ideologies but in Islam. It embodies acceptance of modernity, rejection of Western culture, and recommitment to Islam as the guide to life in the modern world (Huntington: 1997, 109-110).” Interestingly, he capitalizes “Islamic Resurgence” and gives reason for doing so in these words: “Islamic Resurgence, he adds “…refers to an extremely important historical event affecting one-fifth or more of humanity, that it is at least as significant as the American Revolution, French Revolution, or Russian Revolution, whose “r’s” are usually capitalized, and that it is similar to and comparable to the Protestant Reformation in Western society, whose “R” is almost invariably capitalized (Huntington: 1997, 109).

Fukuyama also reflects the greatness of the practical bent of mind when he tries to revisit and review his ‘end of history’ thesis after the events of September 11. He observes in his essay entitled “History and September 11”: “Americans have tended to believe that their institutions and values—democracy, individual rights, the rule of law and prosperity based on economic freedom—represent universal aspirations that will ultimately be shared by people all over the world, if given the opportunity. They are inclined to think that American society appeals to people of all cultures (Fukuyama: 2002, 28).” Revisiting his own thesis he asks: “Is it just our cultural myopia that makes us think that Western values are potentially universal ones? (Fukuyama: 2002, 29). The answer of this question may not sound ‘good’ for many but is in affirmation. A comparative analysis of socio-political ethics in Islam and the West answers this question quite convincingly.

Fukuyama observes: “The Islamic world differs from other world cultures in one important respect. In recent years it alone has repeatedly produced significant radical movements that reject not just Western policies but the most basic principle of modernity itself, that of religious tolerance. These groups celebrated September 11 because it humbled a society that they believed was at its base corrupt. This corruption was not just a matter of sexual permissiveness, homosexuality and women’s rights as they exist in the West, but stemmed in their view from secularism itself. What they hate is that the state in Western societies should be dedicated to religious tolerance and pluralism, rather than to serving religious truth. While people in Asia, Latin America, the former socialist bloc or Africa find Western consumerism appealing and would like to emulate it if only they could, fundamentalists like the Saudi Wahabis, Osama bin Laden or the Taliban see it as evidence of Western decadence (Fukuyama: 2002, 31).

One can agree with the proposition of differences between Islam and the West but it is very difficult to accept that the September 11 attack or any other terrorist attacks on the US or on other Western countries were executed simply because the radical Islamists of the Middle East hate the West for the reason that it practices religious tolerance and pluralism. In fact the constant support of the United States to brutal assault on Palestinians by Israel, misuse of the veto power by the US in the Security Council of the United Nations, its constant support to repressive monarchies in the Middle East, its disproportionately excessive use of force against Iraq and sending a peaceful country into a civil war-like situation, its ‘divide and rule policy’ creating Shia-Sunni conflict resulting in the deaths of thousands of people in the Middle East, its rhetoric against Islam, its undue interference in Muslim countries like Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Syria, Libya, Somalia, its policy of nuclear apartheid in the Middle East, etc. are reasons for the anger of the Muslims across the globe.

Huntington interestingly points out: “Non-Westerners also do not hesitate to point to the gaps between Western principle and Western action. Hypocrisy, double standards, and “but nots” are the price of universal pretensions. Democracy is promoted but not if it brings Islamic fundamentalists to power; non-proliferation is preached for Iran and Iraq but not for Israel; free trade is the elixir of economic growth but not for agriculture; human rights are an issue with China but not with Saudi Arabia; aggression against oil-owning Kuwaitis is repulsed but not against non-oil-owning Bosnians. Double standards in practice are the unavoidable price of universal standards of principle (Huntington: 1997, 187).

The West has to learn to transcend its spirit of tolerance beyond its own geographical and political boundaries. It has to realize that there is not only one ‘Modernity’ with capital ‘M’ but there are many modernities. It is interesting that even the computer manifesting Western technological revolution does not accept the word modernities. It reinforces the claim of those who argue that technology too has an ideology. The ideological bias of the Western technology manifested through computers is evident from the singularisation of the word ‘modernity’ and its insistence upon not accepting the pluralization of the word. This Eurocentric view of modernity has been challenged by many Islamic scholars and also by postmodern school of thought.

Murad Hofmann, a German diplomat who embraced Islam does not seem to be impressed by the goods of Western modernity as he asserts: “Today after the bankruptcy of communist ideology and system evident since 1990 and the alarming sins of a spiritual and value crisis in the West, we know that Muhammad Asad was right after all: Christianity is going through a virtual change of paradigm, and the so-called “project of modernism” is failing under our very eyes. Western theologians and scientists have begun to doubt whether their basic assumptions are valid after all (Hofmann: 1996, 9).

He further observes “Islam is no longer expected to disappear but rather to expand and even to explode. NATO generals when making operational plans are advised to take into account that the most likely military confrontation of the future will not be an East-West but a North-South conflict, Islam being the new expansive and aggressive potential enemy” (Hofmann: 1996, 9). Murad Hofmann agrees with Muhammad Asad that after the Second World War people in the West will ‘look for spiritual truth’(Hofmann: 1996, 8). His assessment and analysis about the people in the West would look for the spiritual truth is proving to be correct if we believe in the facts and figures relating to conversion of people in Islam. The emergence of the New Right and the Christian Right in the West also verifies his assessment.

Islamic Commonwealth and Modern Nation-State System

The social, political, economic and ethical standards prescribed by Islam are very different from the West. Islam dose not distinguish between society and state as the modern and contemporary Western political thought does. The socio-political ethics in the West stand on the principle that the individual as a member of society is entitled to certain rights against State which is a ‘necessary evil’. The rights so claimed are sacrosanct and cannot be compromised with in any circumstances whatsoever. In fact preservation and promotion of these rights of individuals becomes summum bonum or the most important duty of the State. If State fails in its duty of protecting these rights then it loses the justification for its existence and continuance. The State is an artificial institution created by the rational and autonomous individuals for their benefit. The State exists and continues to operate merely as an empire in a cricket match entrusted with the duty of observing that the players are playing the game according to the prescribed rules of the game. However, these contentions seem contradictory when we see the operating style of the modern states in the West.

The modern or postmodern states are sovereign entity and sovereignty in the political discourse is understood as unlimited and absolute power of the state. The attributes attached to sovereignty in the discipline of Political Science are: indivisibility, inalienability, universality, infallibility, and all-comprehensiveness. Thus the power of the State cannot be challenged and it can do anything or everything. The only condition that the liberal democratic political ethics imposes is that the action of the State should be legitimized by seeking support of the majority of the citizens living in a territorial unit called State. The State observing the democratic principles of seeking approval of an elected body called legislature or executive is permitted to go for anything—from coercive diplomacy to war, using all the available means of destruction—from conventional weapons to the weapons of mass destruction (chemical, biological, nuclear etc.). The State here becomes what Max Weber calls ‘the organizer of violence’.

Islam on the other hand, prescribes a commonwealth of the Ummah in which every believer is an equal partner and stake holder. It is in fact a self-governing community where the caliph is regarded as the servant of God and of the people. The caliph and the Ummah are equally bound by the will of God revealed through His messenger. Neither the caliph nor the Ummah is supposed to disobey the command of God. Islam does not create a state which in the Western paradigm of governance is sovereign and supreme. Islam creates a self-governing community or commonwealth and therefore, it cannot be understood or analyzed in the Western paradigm of State and Government.

The Islamic idea of Ummah is in direct conflict with the Western notion of nation- state system. In fact the nation-state system divides people into autonomous and sovereign territorial states whereas the concept of Ummah transcends national boundaries and seeks to unify people on the basis of commonly shared heritage. Ummah is a supra-national community of believers. Interestingly, the Charter of Medina included Jews and pagan citizens as members of the Ummah. If the term Ummah is interpreted narrowly, it may include all Muslims living anywhere in the world. Thus a Muslim born and living in the USA or India is an indivisible part of Ummah. This all-comprehensive nature of Ummah is alien to the contemporary

Western political thinking.

The concept of sovereignty as absolute and supreme power of the state does not fit in the paradigm of Islamic commonwealth. Here neither the individual designated as caliph nor the body created for aiding and advising the caliph possesses the supreme law-making power. The law-making power of the commonwealth is limited and restricted. The commonwealth is basically entrusted with the responsibility of implementing and creating conducive conditions for the enforcement of the divine law revealed in the Holy Quran and subsequently developed and elaborated in other sources of Islam. Although the idea of sovereignty is alien to Islam yet for our understanding it can be observed that according to Islamic sources sovereignty is the attribute of Allah. Allah alone has the finality of judgment in all walks of life. This can be understood in the light of the claim of Islam that it is the complete code of life. The Holy Quran is the final revelation of Allah which codifies the complete principles of guidance and governance for all time to come. The will of Allah as expressed through the divine revelation i.e. the Holy Quran is supreme and even the collective will of all people comprising Ummah shall be unacceptable if it is in conflict with the will of Allah. Thus there is no place for the concepts like ‘Supremacy of Parliament’ and ‘legal6 or political7 or popular8 sovereignty’ as enunciated by the Social Contractualists Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau respectively.

The modern nation-state system as perceived in the ideological and theoretical paradigm in the West is considered as the final culmination of institutional evolution of human society. State here is the supreme institution which alone enjoys sovereignty. Although the modern political theory has rejected the divine origin theory of State under which the State was regarded as a divine institution created by God, it has itself elevated the State to the level of God. The State though not divine is never less than a divine institution. In one respect it is more powerful than the medieval State system in the sense that it is sovereign and all other institutions including the Church has been subordinated to State. Now the politics devoid of religious component determines the social and ethical standards. Unfortunately, it does not face competition with any other institution of the society. The end result of this theoretical paradigm is that the governance has become an art which is called statecraft. The statecraft is in fact managing the affairs of people in such a manner that peace and tranquility is not disrupted. Resistance to State is criminalized. It is argued that the State alone is capable of promoting common good and if it is challenged it will lead to anarchy. Thus the choice is limited: either anarchy or an authoritarian State. The State defines and determines the national and public interest and claims to safeguard it with all resources at its disposal. Paradoxically, this State is claimed to be a Welfare State. The idea of this infallible State and statecraft is not only alien to Islam but also in conflict with the socio-political ethics in Islam.

Nationalism versus Islamic Universalism

The idea of nationalism is also in direct conflict with Islamic ethics of universalism. Maulana Maududi, an erudite Islamic scholar observes that “the distinguishing mark of the Islamic state is its complete freedom from all traces of nationalism and its influences, direct and indirect. It is a state built exclusively on principles (Maududi). There is no doubt that nationalism as an ideology culminates in fascism and xenophobia. It divides people into artificially created political entities and keeps them dispersed by developing a discourse of “us” and “them”. Notably the ideology of nationalism goes against the basic spirit of all major religions of the world. For example; Hinduism believes in Vasudeva Kutumbakam9 which means all human beings belong to one human family. Christianity too believes in universalism rather than nationalism of any form. The message of Jesus (PBUH) is for all people. This is the reason that Christianity born in Arabia flourished in other continents. Similarly, Buddhism originated in India and found space in the South-East Asian countries. In fact, Religions have a universal appeal and their underlying message is universal brotherhood. It is unfortunate that the unifying force of religion is being misused to divide the people across the globe.

Nationalism is a political ideology which cannot find a religious justification. It negates Islamic universalism expressed in the concept of Ummah. It is against Islamic caliphate system. Sir Mohammad Iqbal has considered nationalism as against the very teachings and ethics of Islam. In his famous poem Watanniyat (nationalism), he has denounced nationalism as idolatry and nation as an idol erected by modern political theory. The translation of few lines of his poem which is in Urdu is presented here:

In this age the wine, the cup, even the jam is different,
The cup-bearer started different ways of grace and tyranny,
The Muslim also constructed a different harem of his own
The Azar of civilization made different idols of his own,
Nation is the biggest among these new gods!
What is its shirt is the shroud of Deen (religion)10

Maududi appreciates Islamic state founded by the holy Prophet (PBUH) and his companions on the ground that it was established with a purpose and its affairs were conducted not by creating an illusion of certain defined common good or national interest but on purely moral basis. Maududi observes about what he considers an ideological state or an Islamic state: “A state having its foundations in certain recognized moral principles and free from all traces of nationality or race is one which the world has known but once only and the advantages of which it does not appreciate even to this day” (Maududi). He complains: “In ancient times men knew only of government by families or classes. Later on, they had experience of racial and national governments. But the idea of a state conducted on a definite set of principles and ruled by a group of persons composed of widely differing nationalities who have accepted those principles as the basis of their entire life, social, economic and political—such acceptance of principles being their sole title to have a voice in the affairs of the state, this has never struck root in the narrow mind of man” (Maududi). Maududi argues that a very dim perception of this ideological state was inherent in Christianity in the beginning or in French and communist revolutions but soon they all were infected by the evil spirit of nationalism. According to him, “From the dawn of history to, down to modern days, Islam is the only system in the world which seeks to organize the state on the basis of an ideology free from all traces of nationalism and invites mankind to form a non-national state by accepting its ideological basis (Maududi).

The modern nation-states are basically territorial units built upon racial or national basis. Nationalism is the most important ideology of the state irrespective of its ideological or any other affiliations. This nationalism, at times is overstretched to justify genocide of minorities as in the case of German nationalism madly created by Hitler and his followers which culminated in genocide of Jews in Germany. Similarly, Serb nationalism brought untold misery to Bosnians Muslims in the last decade of 20th century. Above all, the ill effects and the most dangerous consequence of aggressive and expansionist nationalism brought the two World Wars. Perhaps this is the reason that there are social scientists that have been unequivocal in their criticism and condemnation of nationalism. They argue that creation of nation-state was the gravest mistake committed by man.

Differing views on Rights and Duties

Harold J. Laski says: “A state is known by the rights it maintains” (Laski: 1925, 91 ). Human rights have assumed special importance in our time. There are certain rights that are universally recognized and projected as sacrosanct irrespective of cultural and other differences. These rights include right to life, liberty, equality, freedom of thought and expression, freedom of belief and faith etc. These rights are also recognized by the United Nations and explicitly mentioned in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). These three instruments together constitute the “International Bill of Human Rights”. The UN through the first “International Bill of Human Rights” recognizes these rights and asserts that these rights are universally applicable to all peoples and nations irrespective of their divergent social, cultural, political, economic and ideological traditions (Vijapur: 2010, 55-56). It is mentioned in the Preamble of the UDHR that the rights provided under the Declaration are “a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations (Vijapur: 2010, 56). It is interesting to note that the rights mentioned in the International Bill of Rights are “predominantly based on Western socio-political philosophy and liberal traditions and is the product of the experiences of peoples of England, France and the United States from the 17th to the 20th centuries but the majority of Western scholars and nations consider that it is valid for all nations and peoples” (Vijapur: 2010, 56). However, there are voices of dissent against the claim of the universality of these human rights. This has given birth to universalism versus cultural relativism debate.

It is argued by many non-Western scholars and countries that the universality of the idea or concern for human rights in general is perfectly alright but superimposing a particular model of human rights is unacceptable. It is observed: “Human rights are the product of historical, cultural and socio-political of a given society. Different societies have formulated their conception of human rights to suit their particular social, cultural and political settings. Hence cultural specificity has to be taken into cognizance while formulating and implementing human rights standards and norms. There cannot be uniform human rights standards or a meaning of a right. There can be different meanings attributed to a right even within a single tradition. This is a challenge posed by those who believe in cultural relativism as against universalism. Besides being culturally specific, the concept of rights, it is contended, also inheres dynamism that lends its meaning and interpretations to constant evolution and change (Vijapur: 2010, 56). Islamic concepts of human rights are thus quite different from the western perspective on human rights. While analyzing and comparing the both, one finds that the Western approach is rights-centric whereas Islamic approach is an attempt at striking a balance between rights and obligations. The western approach recognizes individual as the main claimant of human rights. This individual is considered as a rational creature capable of governing himself. The rational choice of the individual cannot be restricted by any institution as he/she alone knows what is good or bad for him/her. Thus his/her homosexual, bisexual, transsexual, heterosexual, or any other conceivable type of sexual inclinations (buggery, bestiality, etc.) must be preserved and protected by the society and state.

Islam on the other hand, disapproves this approach to human rights. It does not permit sexual anarchy or sexual perversion. It emphasizes the fact that the will of individual must not be in conflict with the will of Allah. It recognizes the fact that there is no end to human desires and therefore, society cannot be structured on the hedonistic desires of man. Allah says in the holy Quran: “And rule among them by what Allah has revealed and follow not their desires away from the Truth which has come to you (Al-Maidah: 48). In fact Islam considers family as the basic unit of society and not the atomized, isolated, asocial and self-governing so-called sovereign individual. Since family is the basic fabric of the Islamic society, it cannot afford to allow live-in relations. It cannot legitimize gay and lesbian relations. It criminalizes premarital, post-marital or extra-marital physical relations. For the time being, people may argue that it goes against the very spirit of freedom and liberty but if we think in the collective interest of society organized on the basis of high ideals and moral standards, we will certainly appreciate it. Sexual anarchy is creating havoc in the world in the form of HIV-AIDS. Western society is proposing the idea of safe sex as a solution to the menace of HIV-AIDS. However, it does not seem to work as the rate of HIV-infected patients is going alarmingly high. Under these circumstances, one can propose an Islamic solution to the problem of AIDS. The Islamic way of maintaining dignified and safe sexual relations through permanent marriage can definitely lead to an HIV-AIDS free world.

The Islamic approach to human rights and duties is different from the West in one more respect. The Western discourses on human rights have evolved in peculiar circumstances under which projection of man as a rational creature quite capable of knowing and doing what was good for him, was necessary. This projection was needed in a struggle of common masses against reactionary religious authorities, conservative feudalism, and totalitarian monarchies. Thus, rights and liberties were demanded on the basis of a justifying political and social discourse. Western liberal model of human rights projecting man as a rational individual evolved in this background. On the other hand, Islam in Arabia came at a time when it was a conservative and stagnant society. Rational and progressive thinking was criminalized. At that time, Islam emerged as a progressive force. It provided certain inalienable rights to people against arbitrary rulers, lords, and powerful individuals or groups. Interestingly, it provided rights to men and women both, to rich, poor, destitute, slaves, and even to animals. However, it did not recognize man as perfectly rational creature capable of conducting himself in a desired manner in all circumstances. Islam recognizes the worth and dignity of man but at the same time it also takes into consideration the inherent weaknesses of human nature. Therefore, it constantly warns man against evil and impress upon him/her to lead life in accordance with the will of Allah which has been clearly revealed in the holy Quran. The most important aspect of rights and duties in Islamic perspective is that it tries to strike a perfect balance between rights and obligations.

Divergent Views on Justice and Equality

Every society has the concept of justice and it is the basis of determining right and wrong, just and unjust in that society. Also, every society is governed by certain norms and values and these in turn, determine the concept of justice. Since norms and values change with changes of times, circumstances and places, the concept of justice also undergoes a change. The Western society based on Liberalism/ Capitalism subscribes to this idea of justice. The implications of this view of justice are dangerous as many standards are set and thus the universalisation of justice becomes difficult. Imperialism/Colonialism and exploitative global capitalism thrive due to this.

In fact this relative view of justice suits the interest of power-centric major actors of international politics. The ever changing idea of justice develops different parameters according to circumstances. Thus the powerful countries and societies deny others the rights and freedom they cherish. There are numerous examples to highlight the dangerous implications of this view of justice. For example: “In 1996 Madeline Albright, the then UN Ambassador to the United Nations, was asked on national television what she felt about the fact that 500,000 Iraqi children had died as a result of US economic sanctions. She replied that “it was a very hard choice, but that all things considered, we think that the price is worth it” (Roy: 2001, 225).

‘Operation Infinite justice’ renamed ‘Operation Enduring Freedom’ has brought untold misery to the people of Iraq and Afghanistan. From Guantanamo11 to Abu Gharaib12, there was colossal violation of human rights and dignity. The killing of two million people in Iraq in a span of five years and unknown number of men and women, old men and children in Afghanistan by ‘International Coalition against Terror’ is enough to expose the peril of different or double standard of justice. Tariq Ali argues: “With the revelations of the abuses at prison in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Cuba, the U.S. A. has lost whatever moral authority it purported to have, and the result is a genuine clash of civilizations—one that could have been easily avoided” (Ali: n.d, 46).

From the Treaty of Versailles to the creation of the United Nations, we find injustice done to people at large. The present international political order dominated by the UN and the NATO, and the international economic order controlled and regulated by the trinity of the World Bank, IMF and WTO is based on unjust principles. In fact it is victor’s justice that prevails and manifests through various international and regional institutions today. For example; the United Nations which was created with high hopes of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war13 and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and justice has been reduced to be a body controlled and regulated by the major powers of the world thanks to unjust provision of veto power given to the victors of the Second World War.14 The Charter of the United Nations suffers from inherent contradictions as on the one hand it declares that it will function on the basis of the principle of the sovereign equality of all its members15 and on the other hand, creates five big bosses in the Security Council. These five big bosses are entrusted with the power and authority of undermining the collective wills of all members of the General Assembly.16 The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was established by deliberately creating a kind of red scare when ideological polarization was the most dominant feature of the international politics. After the demise of USSR the NATO had become redundant but the US- led Western bloc found out rather invented a new enemy i.e., Islam and got the justification for an uncalled for military alliance. The ‘green scare’17 has taken the place of ‘red scare’18 and the result is the growing menace of Islamophobia deliberately created and sustained through the means of mass deception.

Islamic Concept of Justice

Justice occupies an important place in Islamic socio-economic and political ethics. It is also one of the attributes of God. The holy Quran declares: “We sent Our Messengers with clear signs and sent down with them the Book and the Measure in order to establish justice among the people…”(The Quran, 57:25). It is important to note that justice is accorded such an important place in Islam that the purpose of the sending down the messengers of God is to establish justice in the world. In fact, the repeated assertions of the powerful nations of the world that they believe in peace, human rights and tolerance looks shallow as they deliberately avoid mentioning justice in many cases`. Islam on the other hand, accord primacy to justice in public and private domain both. It does not justify injustice in any case whatsoever. In all circumstances and at all times the justice will continue to be the parameter of judging the righteousness of a person or of an institution including the state. Justice is eternal and is to be the guiding principle of life. No compromises can be made either in the name of statecraft or the pressing circumstances like war or emergencies.

Islam views justice as an eternal and absolute concept like truth. Justice is unchangeable and infallible and is governed by Quran and Sunnah. Neither State nor individual or group can modify or bring an amendment in the Quranic injunctions. The beauty of the concept of justice in Islam is that it is universal and transcends national and ideological boundaries. It is based on the principle of non-discrimination. There is one parameter for all. There are many Quranic injunctions and the traditions of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) to testify this fact. Few of the verses and Prophet’s sayings are being reproduced here:

“Surely we have created you all from a single male and a single female and made you into tribes and families that you many know one another. Surely the noblest among you with God is the most dutiful of you” (The Quran, 49:13). It is further declared that “Mankind is but one Community” (The Quran, 2:213).

The holy Prophet in his farewell sermon commanded:

“No Arab has superiority over a non-Arab nor is a white any better than a black. The only criterion for the superiority and respectability is the one having the element of piety. All human beings are the off-springs of Adam and the very existence of Adam was from clay”(Hambal: n.d, 411).

The holy Quran clearly mentions:

“He, who killed any person unless it is a person guilty of man slaughter, or of spreading chaos in the land, should be looked upon as though he had slain all mankind, and he who saved one life should be regarded as though he had saved the lives of all mankind.” (The Quran, 5:32).

“The Holy Quran also declares that there is no compulsion in religion.” (The Quran, 2:256).

The importance of Justice in Islam can be also understood from the verse which commands: “O you who believe! Stand out firmly for justice, as witnesses to Allah, even if it be against yourselves, your parents, and your relatives, or whether it is against the rich or the poor.” (The Quran,4:135).

The above-mentioned verses of the Holy Quran and the sayings of Prophet Mohammad (PUBH) make it clear that Islam affirms the unity of mankind and strongly disapproves any attempt to divide humanity in superior and inferior groups on the bases of color, race, creed or place of birth.

Thus Islam does not allow even the mightiest nation or group of nations to do anything causing damage to humanity. An Islamic Commonwealth with all its power cannot afford to act like the West has been acting in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. Economic sanctions leading to deaths of children or cluster and carpet bombings leading to deaths of innocent people may be considered as crime against humanity. Islam goes to the extent of saying that the killing of a single innocent person shall be considered as genocide.

Thus we find that justice is linked with equality, non-discrimination and universal brotherhood in Islam. Islam talks of equality of all mankind whereas the West has given equality or at least in theory accepted the equality of all but within the periphery of its national territorial states. The people living in colonies were not allowed to lead a dignified life and the racial discrimination was legally permissible. Even today, we find that the coalition of Western countries is not treating people in non-Western Societies on equal footing. Thus gross injustice is being done to people of non-Western Societies. William Blum observes: “From 1945 to the end of the century, the United States attempted to overthrow more than 40 foreign governments, and to crush more than 30 populist-nationalist movements struggling against intolerable regimes. In the process, the US caused the end of life for several million people, and condemned many millions more to a life of agony and despair”( Blum: 2003, 2).

One of the characteristics of the dual approach to justice is the criminalization of the resistance to injustices and cruelties. The contempt shown and opposition expressed to the Palestinian liberation struggle against Zionist occupation is a pointer to the fact. The impunity enjoyed by the Zionist Israel despite its repeated violations of the UN resolutions and provisions of Geneva conventions and the unjust conditions imposed on Palestinian people explicitly manifest the dual approach to justice.

On the other hand, it is also noticed that the major powers of the world led or persuaded by the United States are mounting unjust pressure on developing nations to abandon their nuclear programs even for the peaceful purposes because the major powers fear that uranium enrichment may eventually lead to production of nuclear weapons. It is argued by the so-called members of the elite nuclear club that possession of nuclear weapons by the countries like India, Pakistan, North Korea, Iran, Libya etc. will pose threat to international peace and security. Thus economic sanctions are imposed on developing countries to compel them to submit to the wishes of the nuclear powers designated as the legitimate nuclear powers under the unjust international treaties like the Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) or the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). This is nothing but the policy of nuclear imperialism practiced and perpetuated by the hegemons. By doing this, the nuclear imperialists try to maintain their monopoly over the means of destruction i.e., nuclear bombs. It is important to note that the United States is the only country in the world which has used nuclear bombs against civilian population in Japan and since then it has kept its nuclear options open even against non-nuclear states. Therefore, it is obvious that the non-nuclear states find themselves defenseless against the possibility of nuclear onslaught by the nuclear powers. This is the reason that the non-nuclear countries try to acquire nuclear weapons to avoid nuclear blackmail in future. This is perhaps the most important cause of nuclear proliferation.

The present nuclear non-proliferation drive spearheaded by the United States and its allies also shows the signs of nuclear apartheid. It is because besides Iran and North Korea there are several other undeclared nuclear states including Israel. But the nonproliferation drive is directed predominantly against North Korea and Iran. This is grotesque injustice and double standard of the worst kind which is bound to prove counterproductive to the nuclear non-proliferation movement. Anyone with a commonsensical understanding of justice can understand that the two countries (Iran and North Korea) have been targeted for reasons other than nuclear non-proliferation drive. If possession of nuclear weapons by Israel is not a threat then acquisition of the weapons by Iran or North Korea or for that matter by any other country cannot be a threat to international peace and security. Moreover, the United States, Russia and other nuclear countries are reported to have large stockpiles of nuclear weapons that constantly remind the international community of a nuclear holocaust in future. Thus the gospel of peace and justice by the dominant powers of the world in this case seems like sinners are teaching the virtues of chastity.

The Islamic concept of Justice is closer to heart and conscience because it believes that sovereignty belongs to God. The ruler or the state is not sovereign. The Western concept of sovereignty elevates state to the level of God and makes it supreme, absolute, all comprehensive and infallible. Islam declares that no one except Allah can enjoy absolute power. Only Allah is supreme and infallible. Thus in an Islamic Society/State/Commonwealth the divine revelation (Holy Quran) has supremacy and the ruler and the ruled alike derive their rights and duties from it. There is no fear of tyranny of majority or a powerful individual in Islamic Society. This basic idea relating to state/society and ruler ensures justice in absolute sense of the term. Thus Islam does not create a state, which can be called “the organizer of violence”. It does not propose a nation-state system which justifies all atrocities in the name of statecraft. The Islamic Commonwealth has to dispense justice in all circumstances and for all. The necessary fall out of this concept of sovereignty and state is that the spirit of non-aggression; mutual respect, peaceful co-existence and justice becomes a universal and eternal value. Hence, unjust foreign policies cannot be conducted by giving undue importance to the so-called national interest. Allah commands in the holy Quran: “And let not the hatred of others make you avoid justice. Be just; that is nearer to piety” (The Quran, 2:256).

Secularism and Islam

Secularism is a political ideology or doctrine which emphasizes privatization of religion. Secularization of politics and society was proposed in the West to buy peace between warring sects and persuasions of Christianity. It was also needed to resolve the unending conflict between Church and State during medieval time. However, this has never been a course of collision in the glorious history of Islam. As Islam does not distinguish between temporal and spiritual matters of man, it proposes to conduct every aspect of human life in accordance with the will of Allah. Islamic commonwealth is a political as well as a religious institution and the Caliph of the commonwealth is the religious and political head of the Muslims across the globe. Therefore, the question of separating religion from politics does not arise at all in the paradigm of Islamic politics. The Islamic Caliphate right from the very beginning till its end after the First World War maintained a perfect balance of religion and politics without compromising with the principles of governance.

However, of late we see that attempts at Islamization have compounded the problem in the Muslim world. Sectarian conflicts are rising to alarmingly high degree. From Indian subcontinent to the West Asia, we find intolerable havoc being created by the so-called Islamists. In the name of Jihad for establishing their version of a puritan Islam they are indulged in indiscriminate killings and violence. It is painful to see that the same Islam that brought peace in the Arabian Peninsula when it was ravaged by violence and terror is now being misused by a section of its hot-headed, mindless followers for justifying a cult of suicide bombings and terrorism directed against innocent people. As a consequence to this sorry state of affairs, there are scholars and activists in the Muslim world itself who argue for secularization of politics in Muslim societies. A strong post-Islamic discourse is emerging in the Muslim world as a reaction to the counterproductive Islamism. The Muslim world today presents the pre-modern scenario in the West which eventually paved way for the emergence of Secularism. The Arab Spring should be a reminder to the fact. Nevertheless, advocating extreme secularization as a solution to the problems in the Muslim world will be as dangerous as the attempts at Islamization. Indeed, the Muslim societies have to strike a balance between Islamization and secularization or else they will be compelled to follow the Western course of sending religion into exile by privatizing it.

Conclusion

In conclusion it can be argued that there are many points of differences and distinctions between the Socio-political ethics in Islam and the West but they should not be brought to the level of confrontation. These differences and distinctions should be recognized, respected and celebrated as the rich diversities of mankind. Article 2 of the UESCO Declaration on Cultural Diversity states “In our increasingly diverse societies, it is essential to ensure harmonious interaction among people and groups with plural, varied and dynamic cultural identities as well as their willingness to live together. Policies for the inclusion and participation of all citizens are guarantees of social cohesion, the vitality of civil society and peace. Thus defined, cultural pluralism gives policy expression to the reality of cultural diversity. Indissociable from a democratic framework, cultural pluralism is conducive to cultural exchange and to the flourishing of creative capacities that sustain public life.”

About the author:
*Dr. M. Mohibul Haque
, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, AMU Aligarh

Bibliography
Ali, Tariq, “Tortured Civilizations: Islam and the West”, in Colin Mooers (ed), The New Imperialists, Ideologies of Empire, Oneworld, Oxford, n.d.
Al-Maidah: 48
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity adopted by the UNESCO on November 2, 2001.
Fukuyama, Francis, “History and September 11”, in Ken Booth & Tim Dunne (eds), Worlds in Collision, Terror and the Future of Global Order, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2002
Fukuyama, Francis, End of History and the Last Man, Penguin Books, 1993
Hambal, Ahmad Bin, Al-Musnad, Vol.V
Heywood, Andrew, Politics, Macmillan, London, 1997
Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Penguin Books India, 1997
Laski, Harold J., A Grammar of Politics, London, 1925
Roy, Arundhati The Algebra of Infinite Justice, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2001
The Quran
Vijapur, Abdulrahim P., Human Rights in International Relations, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2010

Endnotes
1. Samuel P. Huntington is an American political scientist. He argues in his clash of civilization thesis that in the post Cold War world the ideological conflict is unlikely and the clash of civilizations seems to be inevitable. He observes that in future the most likely cause of conflict at global level will be religious and cultural identities of the people. He goes to the extent of arguing that the fault lines between civilizations are capable of causing third world war. See Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 1997.
2. Hindutva is an ideology emphasizing militant Hindu nationalism. The term was first coined by militant Hindu leader V.D. Savarkar in 1923. Hindutva- based cultural nationalism is supported and championed by the Sangh Parivar (a conglomeration of the organizations like the Rashtriya SwayemSevak Sangh(RSS), Vishu Hindu Parishad(VHP), Bajrang Dal, Durga Vahini, Hindu Vahini, Rama Sena, Abhinav Bharat, and several other outfits. The organized political expressions of Hindutva are found in the ideologies of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena.
3. Theo-fascism is a term that denotes extreme religious views favoring oppression of all forms of dissent. It claims to be puritan in nature and discards diversities within a religious dispensation. It also treats other religious affiliations as its rivals. Pakistan at present is in the grip of Theo-fascism which has endangered the peaceful-coexistence between the various sects in Islam and also between the Muslim and other religious communities. What is unfortunate is the fact that Theo-fascists distort religious texts to justify violence and terrorism.
4. The expression Islamization of Arab Spring has been used to delineate the attempts by Islamists to hijack the movements for democracy in the Arab world.
5. The ethnic conflict in Myanmar between the majority Buddhists and Muslim minority has left hundreds of Muslims dead. The anti-Muslims Buddhist Movement 969 in Myanmar, supported by spiritual Buddhist leader Wirathu is responsible for the persecution and ethnic cleansing of Muslims in Myanmar.
6. Legal sovereignty means supreme law-making power of State. This supreme law-making power of the state is neither bound by moral nor by natural laws. Thomas Hobbes is considered as the father of legal sovereignty.
7. Political sovereignty is generally understood as the unseen power behind legal sovereignty. It is unorganized power of the people in a given territory that provides legitimacy to the laws of the state. The legal sovereign bows to political sovereign according to Dicey. John Locke is considered as the father of political sovereignty.
8. Popular sovereignty emphasizes that people are the source of all the powers and authority of the State. It means that sovereignty of the State is neither based on God’s will nor on naked power but on the people’s will. Rousseau is considered as the father of popular sovereignty.
9. Vasudeva Kutumbakum is a Sanskrit phrase which emphasizes to treat all human beings as members of a single family. Interestingly, it opposes single worldview. It also calls for celebrating diversities of the cosmos.
10. Article (Bang-e-Dra-102) Wataniyat (Patriotism), available at http://iqbalurdu.blogspot.in/2011/04/bang-e-dra-102-wataniyat.html
11. Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp is maintained by the United States for what it claims ‘extraordinarily dangerous prisoners’. The prisoners have been detained here in violation of the principles of natural justice. Flagrant violation of human rights including cruel, inhuman, degrading treatment and brutal torture has been reported from the detention camp. It has been also compared with the Concentration Camps maintained by the Nazis in Germany. Human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have severely criticized the US government for the violation of rights of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay.
12. The United States invading forces maintained Abu Gharaib prison in Iraq since 2003. The prisoners faced numerous sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses by US soldiers, including sodomy and beatings. The report of abuses widely published in international media was confirmed by the US Army report.
13. The Preamble of the United Nations declares: WE THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS DETERMINED to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind….
14. The Second World War was fought between the Allied Forces (USA, U.K., USSR, France and China) and the so-called Axis Powers (Germany, Italy and Japan). The Axis Powers were defeated and the Allied powers emerged victorious. The victors determined international politics by creating and controlling the most important international organization—the United Nations. They assumed the status of the privileged permanent members of the Security Council and got enormous powers under the Charter of the United Nations.
15. See the UN Charter, Article 2.1.
16. The five permanent members of the Security Council with veto powers have frustrated attempts by international community to achieve an international order based on equality and justice. There are many instances when the United States of America misused veto power to deny the legitimate rights of Palestinians. It is interesting to note that more than 130 countries of the world have recognized the legitimate right of Palestinians to have the status of a sovereign state but the United States has consistently denied this right by invoking veto power. USA has also used veto power to justify Israeli atrocities in Palestine. See “A Short History of US Vetoes of UN Peace Resolutions” at http://whatreallyhappened.com/WRHARTICLES/USveto.html
17. The color green symbolizes Islam; therefore, green scare means the fear of Islam or Islamic militancy.
18. The color red symbolizes Marxism. Marxism/Socialism was perceived and projected as a threat to freedom, democracy and to international peace and security during the Cold War. This propaganda was deliberately launched by the Western bloc headed by the United States to discredit Marxism.

India And Afghanistan: Recalibrating An Old Relationship – Analysis

$
0
0

By Chayanika Saxena*

Afghanistan’s National Security Advisor, Hanif Atmar and the Deputy Foreign Minister, Hekmat Khalil Karzai, are all set to meet their Indian counterparts over the weekend. Purportedly, the invitation to have this interaction was extended by the Indian National Security Advisor, Ajit Doval over a telephonic dialogue with Atmar almost a fortnight ago.

Coming in the backdrop of deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan and a resultant reversal of the American foreign policy towards maintaining of troops in the country, many are reading this impending India-Afghanistan interaction as a sign of change in their respective orientation towards the other. But, is it so?

India and Afghanistan have often alluded to their civilizational proximity to talk of an undying bonhomie between them. While it would be mistaken to transpose their present sovereign identities into an ancient, or even a modern past when these two entities hadn’t even existed, their closeness in the present times is too hard to ignore. At the cultural level, or what is broadly described as public diplomacy, India has certainly been given a high score by the masses of Afghanistan. Economically too, India has extended a monetary largesse to Afghanistan in the form of assistance to many vital projects, including its new Parliamentary premises and a major dam in the west of Afghanistan.

Militarily however, India has been a rather reluctant contributor to Afghanistan. Supply of military hardware has been minimal and seldom direct. While this can be attributed to a rather modest indigenous base of Military-Industrial Complex in India, a lot of it has got to do with the regional equations in South Asia which both India and Afghanistan are a part of.

Placed in between these two countries is the nuclear-power state of Pakistan, which in many ways, has been at the root of significant security predicaments encountered by those across the Durand and Radcliffe lines. Choking the supply lines of military transfers between India and Afghanistan is former’s ostensibly real apprehension of igniting an all-out ‘great-game’ that would stretch its aging equipments to an extent which will be ill-afforded at this stage.

In these circumstances, to hear of the possibility of a direct transfer of three MI-25 helicopters to Afghanistan by India is bound to appear as a shift in the latter’s dealing with the former. Here however, it becomes crucial to underline that while this potential transfer can appear as striking given that it may happen even as the state-to-state ties between India and Afghanistan are a little mellow, it is certainly not anything new. Thus, to refer to this potential supply of choppers to Afghanistan as reflective of a reversal in India’s foreign policy would not be an appropriate choice of phrase.

Notwithstanding its cultural and economic partnership with Afghanistan, India’s military dealings have been very measured and cautious from the beginning. Even when the Karzai government was incumbent in Kabul—a regime that is believed to have had a pro-India bend—India was not overly-excited to extend its military assistance to Afghanistan beyond what its own national interests could have permitted.

Besides training of Afghan military personnel at the NDA that continues till date, India’s military assistance to Afghanistan in the form of arms and ammunition can be best described as a very limited cache. These make the potential transfer of the MI-25 choppers not even a diversion in India’s approach to Afghanistan, let alone be called a reversal. Rather, the current Indian orientation is very much an extension of the country’s regular way of dealing with Afghanistan—one that can be described as ‘proceed but with caution’.

Moreover, military transfers were already envisaged under the Strategic Partnership Agreement which was signed with Afghanistan back in the year 2011 itself, making the potential supply of choppers nothing new. As per the agreement, ‘the training, equipping and capacity-building of the Afghan National Security Forces’ was expected to receive support from India, and which it has with accelerations and hiccups alike.

As for Afghanistan, it approaching India is not a strategic somersault as many would like to believe. On the one hand, where Afghanistan is doing nothing but reminding India of its old commitments, on the other hand, if there is anything striking about this move at all is that Afghanistan is evolving its foreign policy to respond to the changing circumstances. Like any other sovereign nation, Afghanistan too is making calculated moves to address its own needs- where is the U-Turn?

While the views in the Indian media are reflecting strategic pragmatism in suggesting that the country be receptive to the incoming Afghan call, they are simultaneously describing this move as a U-Turn in Afghanistan’s foreign policy vis-à-vis India. In fact, a section of the media is jubilant as it claims that Afghanistan has finally come around having recognized the ‘reality’ of Pakistan!

It is undeniable that the complications in Pakistan do not make it a partner one can trust, but this moral askance of Pakistan that is now making Afghanistan to recalibrate its policies does not amount to its ‘India waapsi’.

Afghanistan continues to prioritize its interactions on the basis of the ‘Five-Circle’ policy that its President, Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, has delineated at different instances since his coming into power.

A model of concentric, but hierarchical circles, the Five Circle policy of the incumbent President fashions Afghanistan’s international engagements on a scale, such that those countries that are critical to its domestic security and other sovereign interests form the inner core. India is placed in the fourth circle, or the outer core; a fact that has not gone down well with this South Asian giant.

Simultaneously, there has been an expressed elevation of Pakistan and its ‘all-weather friend’, China to positions of prominence. More than any personal preference that can be tied to the ethnic rivalry between the previous President and the current one that could have contributed to this ‘shift’ in regional alliance, the decision to keep Pakistan closer was simply informed by the idiom: keep the friends close and the enemies closer.

Holding the strings to Taliban and its affiliates, the importance of Pakistan in delivering these two constituencies at the table of talks was accurately understood, and that of China in making Pakistan to do all of this consequently.
Where the current Afghan government is declared as pro-Pakistan, the centrality of its neighbor in ensuring peace within Afghanistan was never lost on it even when Karzai was in power. In fact, while signing the Strategic Partnership Agreement, Karzai had belabored to emphasize and distinguish between its ‘twin brother’ (Pakistan) and ‘a great friend’ (India). Might I say blood is thicker than water?

To add to this, the acting Minister of Defense, Mohammed Masoom Stanekzai, had recently told in an interview to an Indian channel that Afghanistan will be inclined to take help from wherever it comes so long as it does not hamper their interests. India is but one of their options, but yes a significant one given the other investments India has made in Afghanistan.

No matter how theoretical this might sound, but in an anarchic world where survival is based on self-help, both India and Afghanistan as sovereign nations are doing what is best in their interests. India’s conspicuous absence from Afghanistan’s military scene is driven by national interest as much as the latter’s decision to involve Pakistan is. Yes, it is strategically a situation India wished it could have avoided, but this is something that it cannot control. What India can control is its approach to Afghanistan which needs to be tempered in a way that does not betray it as a disgruntled ‘big’ brother who is upset over being ‘snubbed’. There is no snubbing, only actions taken in self-interest.

The deteriorating security situation in the whole of South Asia is worrisome, with the ISIS already at the door. In these circumstances, it is crucial for India to bolster Afghanistan’s security; a country which is technically the gateway to South Asia. This is needed not only to fulfill the commitments India has made to this newest member of South Asia, but also because it is in India’s own interest to keep its ‘strategic backyard’ safe.

Capacity building projects, where India has been Afghanistan’s reliable partner, can be pursued more aggressively to make up for what it cannot do on the hardware front. Pakistan ought not to be allowed to outrun India in this regard (Afghan cadets are trained in Peshawar too) for that might just become a double-whammy for it.

What India can also do, and for which Afghanistan has enlisted its help in the past too, is to assist this country in upgrading and refurbishing the cache of arsenals already available with it. In line with the Indian policy towards Afghanistan, the extension of Indian technical assistance will be akin to hitting two bull’s-eyes with one dart: one, it will ensure that Afghanistan is better prepared to handle its security concerns, which is also a strategic concern for India; second, it will also imply India’s presence in Afghanistan’s security circles.

As the South Asian giant, it will be in India’s interest to see to the creation and sustenance of a stable Afghanistan. For Afghanistan, the alleviation its security predicaments will be the first, formidable step towards political, economic and social stability. In these circumstances, both India and Afghanistan ought to look for newer ways to stay relevant to the other and work on them. It’s time to recalibrate; reversal does not capture the mood quite well.

*Chayanika Saxena is a Research Associate at the Society for Policy Studies. She can be reached at chayanika.saxena@spsindia.in

G20 On Fight Against Terrorism – Statement

$
0
0

Following the terrorist attacks in Paris on November 13 and in Ankara on October 10, G20 leaders adopted, at their November 16 meeting in Antalya, a statement on the fight against terrorism. Following is that complete statement.

1. We condemn, in the strongest possible terms, the heinous terrorist attacks in Paris on 13 November and in Ankara on 10 October. They are an unacceptable affront to all humanity. We extend our deepest condolences to the victims of terrorist attacks and their families. We reaffirm our solidarity and resolve in the fight against terrorism in all its forms and wherever it occurs.

2. We remain united in combatting terrorism. The spread of terrorist organizations and significant rise globally in acts of terrorism directly undermine the maintenance of international peace and security and endangers our ongoing efforts to strengthen the global economy and ensure sustainable growth and development.

3. We unequivocally condemn all acts, methods and practices of terrorism, which cannot be justified under any circumstances, regardless of their motivation, in all their forms and manifestations, wherever and by whomsoever committed.

4. We reaffirm that terrorism cannot and should not be associated with any religion, nationality, civilization or ethnic group.

5. The fight against terrorism is a major priority for all of our countries and we reiterate our resolve to work together to prevent and suppress terrorist acts through increased international solidarity and cooperation, in full recognition of the UN’s central role, and in accordance with UN Charter and obligations under international law, including international human rights law, international refugee law and international humanitarian law, as well as through the full implementation of the relevant international conventions, UN Security Council Resolutions and the UN Global Counter Terrorism Strategy.

6. We also remain committed to tackling the financing channels of terrorism, particularly by enhanced cooperation on exchange of information and freezing of terrorist assets, criminalization of terrorist financing and robust targeted financial sanctions regimes related to terrorism and terrorist financing, including through swift implementation of Financial Action Task Force (FATF) standards in all jurisdictions. We will continue to implement relevant FATF recommendations and instruments. We call on FATF to identify measures, including pertaining to legal framework, to strengthen combatting of terrorism financing and targeted financial sanctions and implementation thereof.

7. Our counter terrorism actions must continue to be part of a comprehensive approach based on addressing the conditions conducive to terrorism as stipulated in UN Security Council Resolution 2178, countering violent extremism, combatting radicalization and recruitment, hampering terrorist movements, countering terrorist propaganda and to prevent terrorists from exploiting technology, communications and resources to incite terrorist acts, including through the internet. The direct or indirect encouragement of terrorism, the incitement of terrorist acts and glorification of violence must be prevented. We recognize the need at all levels to work proactively to prevent violent extremism and support civil society in engaging youth and promoting inclusion of all members of society.

8. We are concerned over the acute and growing flow of foreign terrorist fighters and the threat it poses for all States, including countries of origin, transit and destination. We are resolved to address this threat by enhancing our cooperation and developing relevant measures to prevent and tackle this phenomenon, including operational information-sharing, border management to detect travel, preventive measures and appropriate criminal justice response. We will work together to strengthen global aviation security.

9. The continued and recent terrorist attacks all across the world have shown once again the need for increased international cooperation and solidarity in the fight against terrorism. We will always remember the victims of these attacks.

The Silences Of Sexual Violence: Commission Faces Truth Deficits In Colombia – Analysis

$
0
0

By Miguel Salazar and Mariana Araujo Herrera*

Following a half century of internal armed conflict, a peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC is finally within reach after two failed attempts. With millions of affected victims demanding truth and justice, the extensive involvement of victim-survivors and civil society in Colombia’s current peace process is unprecedented and innovative. However, as all parties prepare for the formation of an investigative truth commission, certain silences within truth-telling efforts remain under-acknowledged throughout the country, particularly those of sexual violence against women, men, and children.

Colombia’s armed conflict dates back to 1964.[1] The largest non-state actor, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), originated as an armed Marxist peasant movement, which has since then grown to be one of the world’s richest guerilla armies. The Colombian government, the FARC, and right-wing paramilitaries such as the notorious United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) have all committed human rights violations, including murder, torture, forced displacements, and sexual violence, contributing to a total number of 7.6 million registered victims. However, conditions have modestly improved since the Colombian government directly began engaging in peace talks with the FARC in 2012.[2] The two sides are expected to sign the final peace agreement by March 26, 2016,[3] which would officially end the conflict and pave the way for the creation of a Truth Commission.[4]

The Truth Commission

Colombia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) will play a crucial role in the transition to peace. A statement from the peace talks in Havana announced that the independent and impartial commission would have three objectives: to contribute to the clarification of conflict-related events and offer a full explanation of the complexity of the armed conflict; to promote the recognition of the victims; and to open an atmosphere of dialogue.[5] Colombia’s TRC would consist of 11 commissioners, and would operate without judicial authority for three years after six months of preparation. Its long-term goals include clarification, the acknowledgment of human rights violations, and reconciliation in order to promote cohabitation and non-repetition. The Commission will focus on a range of violations including sexual violence, one of the most underreported crimes in Colombia. A gender subcommittee, established in September 2014, has specifically addressed sexual violence at the peace negotiations in Havana.

Women as Victims of Sexual Violence in Colombia

Sexual violence, most frequently used as a weapon of terror against women, has been utilized with the highest level of impunity in Colombia’s armed conflict. It has proven extremely effective as a form of cementing social control—paramilitaries sexually abused women as punishment for simple disobedience.[6] Sexual violence repeatedly has been used as a tool for public stigmatization; paramilitaries shave women’s heads to inflict shame and to publicize their misconduct for trying to leave the house to socialize.[7] Many cases have reported assaults on individual women by several guerrilleros, including insults, physical injury, and death threats to women resisting sexual advances. This has occurred in both private and public settings, and even against children in front of their parents.[8] Many women in Colombia have even been subject to forced abortions and births, especially within guerrilla groups. Moreover, many abortion procedures were inadequate and took place very late in the pregnancies, resulting in high risks of health complications.[9] Thousands of women, especially indigenous and Afro-Colombian women have been deeply affected by sexual violence practices.

The Registro Único de Victimas (RUV) reported that of 748 registered cases, 370 (49.5 percent) were committed by guerrillas, 344 (46 percent) by paramilitaries, and 8 (1.1 percent) by the Colombian army.[10] Sexual assault was often seen as collateral damage of war until the Colombian government issued Decree 092 in 2008, ordering authorities to protect women.[11] The Colombian government has recorded 9,360 women as victims of sexual violence during the conflict,[12] but according to Oxfam Intermón and la Casa de la Mujer, 489,687 Colombian women were sexually abused between 2001 and 2009.[13] However, Oxfam has concluded that during that period less than 18 percent of women reported their attacks.[14] Moreover, only 100 of the reported cases were likely to end in prosecution, resulting in an impunity rate of 98 percent.[15] Thus, by failing to provide a system of protection and prevention against these sexual violations, the Colombian government has allowed an enormous amount of cases to slip under the radar. This high level of impunity perpetuates a culture that allows this cycle of violence to continue destroying women’s lives.

¡Basta Ya!, a report of victims’ memories of the armed conflict in Colombia was released in 2013 by the government’s Historical Memory Group (GMH), reveals that governmental institutions have failed to properly assist victims of sexual assault.[16] Legal procedures are inadequate and ultimately re-victimize women, as medical and government officials oftentimes refuse to believe their stories. One woman testified, for example, that when she sought assistance by reporting her assault to a government official he refused to believe her, arguing that she was too “old and ugly” to be raped.[17] By failing to provide access to protection and assistance, Colombia has forced its sexual violence victims to live in fear.

The approach of Colombia’s TRC in addressing sexual violence is crucial for a peaceful transition within the country. Sexual violence has severe physical and psychological implications on women and must be brought to light to achieve reconciliation and non-repetition.

International Truth Deficits

However, spearheaded by the GMH, truth-telling efforts in Colombia contain certain silences that reflect a long-lasting, flawed perception of gender violence and gender roles internationally—abetted by the United Nations. At the United States Institute of Peace’s (USIP) Colombia Peace Forum on September 30, 2015, Dr. Kimberly Theidon explained the nature of these truth-telling silences, or “truth deficits,” in the context of gender violence: “These truth deficits reflect, in part, certain silences, absences, and erasures in the Women, Peace and Security agenda itself as currently conceived…. [The] Women, Peace and Security agenda is a hard-won feminist victory. I’m going to argue it’s also an ambivalent one.”[18]

The Women, Peace and Security agenda was conceived in 2000 with the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, the first resolution addressing the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women.[19] Despite their innovative nature, Resolution 1325 and a series of UN resolutions from 2008 to 2013 that form part of the Women, Peace and Security agenda shift the focus away from gender equality to conflict-related sexual violence against women and girls.[20] Although women represent the majority of victims,[21] strikingly absent in the UN resolutions—and in the Women, Peace and Security agenda as a whole—are men and boys as victims of sexual violence, not just perpetrators hovering in the margins.[22]

These UN Security Council resolutions on Women, Peace and Security thus contribute to a skewed understanding of sex and gender relations that conditions the work of truth and reconciliation commissions within transitional justice throughout the world.

Men as Victims of Sexual Violence

Scant reporting on male victims of sexual violence continues to present a problem. Belén Sanz, the national coordinator for UN Women in Colombia, noted that of 226,898 sexual violence cases presented to the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences in the years 2012 to 2014, 75 percent of victims have been identified as women, and 25 percent as men.[23] It is estimated that only 18 percent of sexual violence crimes on women are even reported,[24] but the statistics in this category for men are virtually unknown.

In part, the underreporting of male sexual violence is due to the lack of a concrete international definition of sexual violence.[25] This lack of clarity is coupled with a focus on women and girls as victims. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), for instance, “a wide range of sexually violent acts can take place in different circumstances and settings [….] for example: violent acts against the sexual integrity of women, including female genital mutilation and obligatory inspections for virginity.”[26] Despite the highlighting of prominent instances of sexual violence, gender-specific language has effectively barred men from receiving equal attention, treatment, or even the status of sexual violence victims.

Moreover, it seems as though a modern understanding of what exactly constitutes sexual violence is not based on the nature of the crime, but instead the gender of the body on which it is committed. Male sexual violence is frequently re-categorized as a form of torture,[27] and often not detected by medical workers on the ground. This contributes to ongoing silences in modern truth-telling efforts and only further promotes a notion of incompatibility between masculinity and victimization,[28] which is particularly evident in Colombia’s pervasive machismo culture.[29]

The GMH falls short of providing a comprehensive depiction of gender violence in Colombia. ¡Basta Ya! examines the effects of the armed conflict on victims of all genders, with section 4.3.2 referring to the emasculation of male victims. However, this emasculation is exclusively limited to men who are forced to take on the household roles of their deceased or disappeared wives, or the powerlessness of male witnesses of murder and female sexual violence.[30]

While the GMH fails to fully depict men as direct victims of sexual violence,[31] ¡Basta Ya! promotes a novel approach to investigating gender violence in Colombia by including the use of sexual violence against male and female recruits in the barracks. Like the Peruvian TRC,[32]¡Basta Ya! mentions both forced recruitment and sexual violence as prominent crimes against minors,[33] but also includes testimonies of sexual violence against male recruits.[34] The GMH does not mention the frequency of sexual violence within the armed groups; however, it does suggest a larger system of sexual violence: “The men who commit these crimes, rather than responding to uncontrollable instincts unleashed in the midst of an armed conflict, are reacting to incentives or sanctions that have been established by commanders and leaders of each armed group.” The investigation of systematic sexual violence against male recruits can provide valuable insight as to how sexual violence in the barracks can induce them to perform the same acts on the civilian population.[35]

As Colombia prepares for peace, its Truth Commission will face challenges. ¡Basta Ya! is in some respects a powerful record of historical memory in the country, but it contains silences and erasures pertaining to sexual violence that must be addressed.

Recommendations

While the Colombian government must take concrete action and implement an effective plan to reduce and eliminate sexual violence in the country,[36] the pending Truth Commission can set an example for the improvement of sexual violence truth-telling efforts.

Colombia’s TRC must adequately protect human rights defenders, community leaders, and victims from retaliation by offenders. The Commission must also address sexual violence as an urgent matter, and treat each victim’s testimony with impartiality, eliminating speculation. Necessary psychological support must be provided to victims and a follow-up report should be compiled on the status of survivors that have shared their stories.

Male sexual violence must not be recorded erroneously under the rubric of torture; such mischaracterization only reinforces the notion that men simply cannot be victims of sexual violence.[37] In addition, systematic sexual violence against male recruits should be investigated thoroughly, as it may develop a propensity in recruits to commit sexual violence against civilians.

To avoid reopening psychological wounds, survivors of sexual violence are often reluctant to provide testimonies.[38] In order to relieve victim-survivors of the truth-telling burden, one possible solution would be to turn greater attention towards perpetrators as an alternative mechanism for recording sexual violence.[39] This, however, has not proven to be feasible in Colombia as evidenced in the paramilitaries’ confesiones libres in 2005.[40] Instead, witness accounts should be considered to play a larger role in the identification of sexual violence and the prosecution of offenders.

Conclusion

Sexual violence in Colombia has developed freely for decades due in large part to a broken system that has failed to protect victims and prevent future abuses. The current peace talks show a strong commitment to address this issue, but represent only the beginning of a long reconstruction and reconciliation process. If Colombia’s Truth Commission properly addresses sexual violence, it can pave the way for the inclusion of male victims within a larger international debate and thus present an alternative to the modern understanding of gender roles in times of war. With victims and civil society at the forefront of truth-telling efforts, Colombia’s peace process has the opportunity to shift the scope and mechanism of modern truth and reconciliation commissions.

*Miguel Salazar and Mariana Araujo Herrera, Research Associates at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs

[1] “The Guerrilla Groups in Colombia.” United Nations Regional Information Centre for Western Europe. Web.

[2] Strasser, Fred. “Q&A: Colombia Breakthrough a World Model for Peace Talks.” United States Institute of Peace. September 4, 2015.

[3] “Colombia Peace Deal with Farc Rebels ‘within Six Months’” BBC News. September 24, 2015. Web.

[4] Cosoy, Natalio. “Colombia and Farc Announce Truth Commission.” BBC News. June 4, 2015. Web.

[5] “Informe Conjunto De La Mesa De Conversaciones Entre El Gobierno Nacional Y Las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias De Colombia – Ejército Del Pueblo.” Presidencia De La República De Colombia. June 4, 2015. Web.

[6] “Colombia: Women, Conflict Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process.” ABColombia. November 1, 2013. Web.

[7] Ibid

[8] Greiffenstein, Ignacio. “Colombia: Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War Part 2.” Latin America Freedom & Justice Hub. August 6, 2015. Web.

[9] Greiffenstein, Ignacio. “Colombia: Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War Part 1.” Latin America Freedom & Justice Hub. July 15, 2015. Web.

[10] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. “Capitulo 1: Las dimensiones y modalidades de la guerra.” In ¡Basta Ya! Colombia: Memorias De Guerra Y Dignidad, 80. 2013.

[11] Greiffenstein, Ignacio. “Colombia: Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War Part 1.”

[12] Ibid

[13] Ibid

[14] “In Colombia, Women Affected by Conflict Are Agents of Social Change.” The International Center for Transitional Justice. June 11, 2014. Web.

[15] Ibid

[16] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. ¡Basta Ya! 77.

[17] Ibid. 77.

[18] Theidon, Kimberly. Lecture, Colombia Peace Forum: ¡Basta Ya! Historical Memory and Transitional Justice in Colombia, Carlucci Auditorium, United States Institute of Peace, Washington, DC, September 30, 2015.

[19] “Women, Peace and Security.” United Nations Peacekeeping. Web.

[20] In specific reference to UN resolutions 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, and 2122 (available on the UN’s Peacekeeping website) Theidon, Kimberly. Lecture, Colombia Peace Forum.

[21] “Chapter 6: Sexual Violence.” In World Report on Violence and Health, 156. 2002.

[22] Theidon, Kimberly. Lecture, Colombia Peace Forum. Note: The Security Council also stresses the “urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations,” Resolution 1325 as well as the “important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peacebuilding” in Resolution 1820. One of the implicit understandings of the agenda is that women are intrinsically peace-seeking individuals, or as Dr. Theidon has stated, “Have womb, ergo look for peace.”

[23] Sanz, Belén. Lecture, Libertad De Expresión Y Violencia Sexual En Colombia De Cara Al Proceso De Paz, CEJIL, Washington, DC, October 21, 2015. Note: this is the report she is referring to: “2014 Forensis: Datos Para La Vida.” Medicina Legal Y Ciencias Forenses 16, no. 1 (2015). Web.

[24] Guggenheim, Julia, and Alice Bradshaw-Smith. “Who Commits Most Sex Crimes in Colombia’s Armed Conflict?” Colombia Reports. April 20, 2015. Web.

[25] The UN utilizes vague language in its definition of sexual violence, “sexual violence under international law encompasses rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, trafficking and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity” See: “Guidance for Mediators: Addressing Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Ceasefire and Peace Agreements.” New York: United Nations Department of Political Affairs, 6, 2012.

[26] “Chapter 6: Sexual Violence.” In World Report on Violence and Health, 149-150. 2002.

[27] For example, the Peruvian TRC final report included a testimony of the electric shock of male testes under its section on torture, despite depicting a clear form of genital mutilation and enforced sterilization. See: “Volumen 6: Crimenes.” Reporte Final. Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, CVR, Peru. 2003, 247.

[28] Sivakumaran, Sandesh. “Sexual Violence Against Men in Armed Conflict.” The European Journal of International Law 18, no. 2 (2007): 255-256. doi:10.1093/ejil/chm013.

[29] Perhaps the greatest reason for the underreporting of male sexual violence is the current understanding of gender roles and masculinity in Colombia and Latin America as a whole. This machismo culture is particularly notable in Colombia, where roughly two-thirds of the population is opposed to same-sex marriage. This has profound effects on victim-survivors, who simply refuse to speak up in fear of emasculation. See “The Rainbow Tide: Spreading Gay Rights Show the Clout of a Secular Middle Class.” The Economist. October 10, 2015. Web.

[30] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. ¡Basta Ya! 311-314.

[31] Ibid 310. Translated by author (Miguel Salazar).

[32] Sexual violence as a method of forced recruitment has been noted in the Peruvian TRC in specific reference to women and girls despite the fact that over 80 percent of forced recruits were men and boys. See: “Volumen 6: Crimenes.” Reporte Final. Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, CVR, Peru. 2003, 273.

[33] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. ¡Basta Ya! 261.

[34] Ibid 82-84.

[35] Ibid 84. Translated by author (Miguel Salazar).

[36] Amnesty International. Colombia: Hidden from Justice. 2012. Web.

[37] Sivakumaran, Sandesh. “Sexual Violence Against Men in Armed Conflict.” 256.

[38] Debate has ensued regarding the healing potential of truth and reconciliation commissions. While TRCs may heal wounds of victim-survivors, whose pain has not been previously acknowledged publically, they may also exacerbate or renew trauma by burdening survivors with truth-telling. This is particularly true of male victims, as many simply refuse to speak up in fear of emasculation. Even if male survivors are willing to come forth with testimonies, “they may find that, as victims also of masculine stereotypes, they do not have the right words to express themselves.” See: Sivakumaran, Sandesh. “Sexual Violence Against Men in Armed Conflict.” 255. See also: Laplante, Lisa J, and Kimberly Theidon. “Truth with Consequences: Justice and Reparations in Post-Truth Commission Peru.” Human Rights Quarterly 29 (2007): 237.

[39] Dr. Theidon highlighted the “obsession” of the Peruvian TRC in obtaining reluctant testimonies from victim-survivors of sexual violence: Theidon, Kimberly. Lecture, Colombia Peace Forum

[40] The 1,754 cases of sexual violence included in ¡Basta Ya! sits in stark contrast with the mere 96 instances of sexual violence confessed to by paramilitaries in their confesiones libres of 2005, who are the largest perpetrators of this specific crime. Given that sexual violence is considered a crime against humanity and will be penalized in Colombia, perpetrators will be even more reluctant to provide testimonies. See: Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica.¡Basta Ya! 78. See also: Guggenheim, Julia, and Alice Bradshaw-Smith. “Who Commits Most Sex Crimes in Colombia’s Armed Conflict?” Colombia Reports. April 20, 2015. Web.

Islamic State Threatens Attack On Washington, Other Countries – OpEd

$
0
0

Reuters reports: Islamic State warned in a new video on Monday that countries taking part in air strikes against Syria would suffer the same fate as France, and threatened to attack in Washington.

The video, which appeared on a site used by Islamic State to post its messages, begins with news footage of the aftermath of Friday’s Paris shootings in which at least 129 people were killed.

The message to countries involved in what it called the “crusader campaign” was delivered by a man dressed in fatigues and a turban, and identified in subtitles as Al Ghareeb the Algerian.

“We say to the states that take part in the crusader campaign that, by God, you will have a day, God willing, like France’s and by God, as we struck France in the center of its abode in Paris, then we swear that we will strike America at its center in Washington,” the man said. [Continue reading…]

After the Paris attacks, American gun lovers took to Twitter claiming that armed civilians could have prevented the attacks. Presumably they now believe that the prevalence of gun ownership in the U.S. makes Washington DC less vulnerable to a similar attack.

What is beyond dispute is that there is no other country that makes it easier for a group of individuals to gather the weapons and ammunition required for launching such an attack.

Are Newt Gingrich and his cohorts now going to start patrolling the streets of the capital? Or might it dawn on them that in reality, incapable as they are of living in a permanent state of armed vigilance, in the face of ruthless and heavily armed attackers such as those who struck Paris, unarmed and armed civilians pursuing their daily lives make equally soft targets.

Close Guantanamo And Return It To Cuba – OpEd

$
0
0

President Barack Obama has yet to fulfill the promise he made in his January 22, 2009 executive order to shutter Guantanamo “no later than one year from the date of this order.” Any individuals remaining there at the time of closure, Obama wrote, “shall be returned to their home country, released, transferred to a third country, or transferred to another United States detention facility in a manner consistent with law and the national security and foreign policy interests of the United States.”

After threatening to veto the final draft of the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) partly because it forbids the transfer of Guantanamo detainees to the United States and tightens barriers to sending them to other countries, Obama caved. A White House spokesperson said Obama would sign the legislation, which passed overwhelmingly in the House and Senate. Bernie Sanders was one of three senators to vote against the bill.

Nearly seven years after Obama’s promise, 112 men remain at Guantanamo, half of whom have been cleared for release. Obama has released 54 prisoners and is reviewing the cases of others still being held.

In March 2011, Obama designated 46 men to remain in indefinite detention without trial, but promised periodic review of their cases. Arbitrary detention violates the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, a treaty the United States has ratified, making it part of U.S. law under the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. constitution.

The periodic reviews didn’t start until November 2013, spurred by hunger strikes at the prison. The reviews continue to be conducted. As a result of those reviews, 14 additional men were cleared for release and five of them have been released.

In April 2013, Obama said, “I think it is critical for us to understand that Guantanamo is not necessary to keep America safe . . . It hurts us in terms of our international standing . . . It is a recruitment tool for extremists. It needs to be closed.” Yet it remains open.

One of the transfer restrictions required the secretary of defense to notify Congress 30 days before transfer that it would be good for national security. But to avoid being personally responsible if a detainee were to become a terrorist, former Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel hesitated to allow transfers. Actually only seven percent of the detainees released during Obama’s tenure returned to terrorist activity as compared with 19 percent during Bush’s presidency.

Obama is reportedly preparing a plan to speed up transfers of half the remaining Guantanamo prisoners to their home countries or other willing nations. The plan will also set forth new security protocols to prevent detainees from returning to terrorist activities once released.

Military experts are conducting surveys of prisons in the United States for possible transfer of detainees. They include the military prison at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas; the Naval Consolidated Brig in Charleston, South Carolina; and the US supermax prison in Florence, Colorado.

In spite of the NDAA, Obama has the power to close Guantanamo. Former White House counsel Gregory Craig and Cliff Sloan, former special envoy for Guantanamo closure, maintain, “the president does not need Congress’s authorization to act.” They wrote in the Washington Post, “Under Article II of the Constitution, the president has exclusive authority to determine the facilities in which military detainees are held . . . The determination on where to hold detainees is a tactical judgment at the very core of the president’s role as commander in chief.”

According to Craig and Sloan, “Congress’s purported ban on funding any movement of detainees from Guantanamo Bay to the United States restricts where ‘law-of-war’ detainees can be held and prevents the president from discharging his constitutionally assigned function of making tactical military decisions. Accordingly, it violates the separation of powers.”

Lt. Col. David Frakt, who has represented Guantanamo detainees before the military commissions and in federal habeas corpus proceedings, concurs. “When the Obama administration really wants to transfer a detainee, they are quite capable of doing so,” Frakt wrote in JURIST. He said Obama should direct his attorney general to inform the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals that the Department of Justice no longer considers the cleared detainees to be detainable.

Col. Morris Davis, former Chief Prosecutor for the Terrorism Trials at Guantanamo, personally charged Osama bin Laden’s driver Salim Hamdan, Australian David Hicks, and Canadian teen Omar Khadr. All three were convicted and have been released from Guantanamo. “There is something fundamentally wrong with a system where not being charged with a war crime keeps you locked away indefinitely and a war crime conviction is your ticket home,” Davis wrote to Obama.

Of the 780 men held at Guantanamo since 2002, only eight were tried and convicted of war crimes. Of those, just three remain at Guantanamo.

Many of the detainees reported being assaulted, prolonged shackling, sexual abuse, and threats with dogs. Australian lawyer Richard Bourke, who has represented several Guantanamo detainees, charged they have been subjected to “good old-fashioned torture.” Detainees who engage in hunger strikes are subjected to force-feeding, a practice the UN Human Rights Council has called torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. At least seven men have died at the prison camp.

The United States has illegally occupied Guantánamo since 1903, after Cuba’s war of independence against Spain. Cuba was forced to include the Platt Amendment in the Cuban constitution. The amendment granted the United States the right to intervene in Cuba as a prerequisite for the withdrawal of US troops from the rest of Cuba. That provision provided the basis for the 1903 Agreement on Coaling and Naval Stations, which gave the United States the right to use Guantánamo Bay “exclusively as coaling or naval stations, and for no other purpose.”

President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed a new treaty with Cuba in 1934 that allows the United States to remain in Guantánamo Bay until the US abandons it or until both Cuba and the United States agree to modify their arrangement. According to that treaty, “the stipulations of [the 1903] agreement with regard to the naval station of Guantánamo shall continue in effect.” That means Guantánamo Bay can be used for nothing but coaling or naval stations. Article III of the 1934 treaty also says that Cuba leases Guantánamo Bay to the United States “for coaling and naval stations.” Nowhere in either treaty did Cuba give the US the right to utilize Guantánamo Bay as a prison camp.

Former Cuban president Fidel Castro has long maintained that Guantanamo is part of Cuba and that the US illegally occupies it. One of Cuban President Raul Castro’s requirements for normalization of relations with the United States is the return of Guantanamo to Cuba.

If there is probable cause to believe a detainee committed a crime, he should be sent to the United States for trial in federal court. The remaining detainees should be returned to their countries of origin or third countries if that is not feasible. After shuttering the prison camp, Obama should return Guantanamo Bay to Cuba, its rightful owner.

This article was originally published by teleSUR.


Countering Extremist Groups In Cyberspace – Analysis

$
0
0

By Robert William Schultz

How can the United States develop effective strategic options to counter extremist groups operating in cyberspace? For groups that promote hatred and violence, cyberspace provides a virtual safe haven from which to operate, using Web sites to promote their causes, raise funds, communicate, and grow. The ability to remain elusive has made these groups the true beneficiaries of cyberspace. Using social media outlets, these groups have a global reach for organizing, planning, and conducting operations. They instill loyalty among their followers through near-constant, clear communication. Cyberspace has also enabled extremist groups to adopt decentralized organizational structures with indiscernible command hierarchies, making them difficult to identify and target using conventional military power.1

Countering these adversaries poses a significant challenge. With an ever-increasing number of extremist Web sites, U.S. efforts to degrade these online operations have been inadequate, pointing to the need for innovative strategic solutions to counter these threats.2 However, the same protection cyberspace offers them also makes these extremists susceptible to deception. This article argues that false-flag operations could provide the strategic means to mask a deception that could degrade the bonds of trust among extremists operating in cyberspace and their loyal supporters by undermining the legitimacy of their governing ideology.

Deception Works

Deception is often employed strategically to manipulate an adversary’s perceptions to gain a competitive advantage while disguising the basic objectives, intentions, strategies, and capabilities of the deceiver.3 In cyberspace, suitable deception targets could include an organization’s ideological infrastructure, legitimacy, and bonds of trust that connect the group with its followers. By targeting these three facets, a deception strategy could directly challenge an extremist group’s online existence.

During the 20th century, deception was an essential element of significant military operations. Between 1914 and 1968, over 90 percent of the deceptions conducted in support of military operations were successful.4 Based on the technology available at the time, these deceptions were executed in the physical domain where actions and messages had to be seen or heard by their intended audience for the deception to achieve its effect. In the virtual reality of cyberspace, however, anyone has the ability to post a message or influence perceptions. In loosely associated groups that are built on rigid ideology, there is space to sow the seeds of dissent by making members look as if they are not conforming to the agreed-upon ideology. Of note, “it is much easier to lead a deception target astray by reinforcing their existing beliefs, thus causing the target to ignore the contrary evidence of one’s true intent, than it is to persuade a target to change his or her mind.”5 For this reason, the decision to employ deception must be based on the ability to deceive adversaries into believing something they want to believe as opposed to embracing an entirely new idea.6 In light of this, the United States should acknowledge that rapidly improving information technologies enhance the ability to initiate unobserved operations and create believable deceptions in cyberspace over a protracted period of time.7 With these favorable conditions, a means of employing deception could be realized through the use of an age-old operational concept called false-flag operations (FFO).

False-Flag Operations

The term false flag originated in naval warfare and describes a ship’s attempt to deceive an enemy maritime vessel by hiding or replacing its flag to maneuver closely enough to destroy or capture the enemy’s vessel. Though FFOs faded away in the mid-1800s because many states believed they were being carried out without proper oversight or governmental control, FFOs today are more than just a maritime deception tactic. They are holistically defined as secret or disguised operations intended to deceive an adversary into believing that groups or states other than those who planned and implemented the operations are responsible.8 When employed in cyberspace, FFOs could disguise deceptions in a similar manner. Additionally, where traditional FFOs used a disguise to approach the enemy, in cyberspace the interaction between the deceiver and the deceived is reversed. The deception target must choose to visit the FFO’s Web site in the first place for the deception to work.

Furthermore, this concept has long been legally acceptable under the Law of Armed Conflict, which permits the use of disguises prior to engaging in combat, and is also legitimized under Articles 37–39 of the Geneva Conventions: “Ruses of war are not prohibited. Such ruses are acts which are intended to mislead an adversary or to induce him to act recklessly.”9 Since posting Web-based content is far from engaging in combat, the need to eventually reveal attribution of the sponsor remains a question for legal study. Thus, without actual combat, the Web-based FFO concept is more akin to black or covert deceptions in which the sponsor’s attribution remains hidden.10

How This Would Work

This concept of FFOs in cyberspace is designed around creatively developing Web sites, blogs, and chat rooms that mirror a targeted extremist group’s ideology. First, cyber-deceivers would develop FFO Web-based content consistent with the targeted group’s narrative in order to attract and co-opt potential extremist followers. As readership and membership grew, the content on FFO sites would gradually change. Over time, the narratives would shift subtly to influence the target audience into believing the target group’s ideology is either corrupt or so devious that the target audience would see the bond of trust had been broken, thus compelling supporters to terminate association with the extremist group in cyberspace.11

As an example, the recent trend of using online radicalization to fill the ranks of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) could be countered through the use of FFOs that undermine the bond of trust between ISIL and potential recruits by using false-flag Web sites to highlight the atrocities of the group’s ongoing operations, thus delegitimizing the movement. Alienating extremist groups such as ISIL from the international Islamic community through FFOs would not only degrade such organizations in the short term, but could also potentially discredit its online activities over longer periods.

Implications

There are three effects we could expect to see if FFOs were successful in undermining the bonds of trust between targeted online extremist groups and would-be supporters. First, because cyberspace FFOs would target the legitimacy of extremist groups, we would see measurable changes in online activity, including decreases in membership, fundraising, blogs, and chats, and increases in offensive messages posted on FFO Web sites. Second, we would see targeted extremist groups policing or even attacking other like-minded Web sites because they are questioning the veracity of ideology on sites they do not directly manage. Finally, we would expect to see an overall change in the use of cyberspace, as targeted extremist groups and their supporters—even if they detect the FFO—would no longer feel secure operating in the virtual realm.

Mitigating Risk

FFOs normally have a limited shelf life, as targets will eventually become attuned to the presence of active deception.12 However, in cyberspace, time is on the deceiver’s side. Though cyber-based deceptions may take longer to be effective, the vastness and anonymity of cyberspace allow the deceiver to continually adjust messages and techniques with new strings of code. In terms of targeting ideology, cyber-based FFOs seek to achieve an aggregated effect over a series of unceasing efforts.

Just as everyday Internet users have grown aware of the variety of hacking tactics, so will extremist groups grow to distrust their own Web sites as their ideological messages appear to deviate from approved narratives. Therefore, FFO compromises should be expected and welcomed in cyberspace; it would be just as advantageous to the deceiver if targeted groups discovered FFO sites and began to doubt their own information assurance measures.13 Furthermore, cyberspace’s ever-growing domain provides the deceiver with an increased area of operation. If compromised, it is a matter of taking the FFO offline, adjusting content, and then placing it elsewhere in the cyber realm. Regardless, common sense dictates that the United States should not ignore a low-cost and relatively safe tool to help achieve its goals.

Extremist groups such as ISIL are making highly effective use of the rapidly emerging cyber technologies that connect the world. Concepts such as false-flag operations could be instrumental in developing solutions to achieve the desired strategic effect of countering these groups in cyberspace. While some defensive cybersecurity tools are effective, more offensive capabilities are needed to counter emerging threats in the 21st century. Cyber-based deceptions such as FFOs offer a cost-effective complement to traditional military force in the fight against extremist groups. When it comes to undermining and marginalizing the legitimacy of a governing ideology in cyberspace, deception through the use of false-flag operations could provide a variety of strategic options from which to choose. In the end, targeted extremist groups would be hard-pressed to determine which of their own Web sites to trust.

Source:
This article was published in the Joint Force Quarterly 79 which is published by the National Defense University.

Notes:

  1. John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt, Networks and Netwars: The Future of Terror, Crime, and Militancy (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2001), 241.
  2. Gabriel Weimann, Terror on the Internet: The New Arena, the New Challenges (Dulles, VA: Potomac Books, 2006), 15.
  3. Richards J. Heuer, Jr., “Strategic Deception and Counterdeception: A Cognitive Process Approach,” International Studies Quarterly 25, no. 2 (June 1981), 294.
  4. Barton Whaley, Stratagem: Deception and Surprise in War (Norwood, MA: Artech House Press, 2007), 82–118.
  5. Richards J. Heuer, Jr., “Cognitive Factors in Deception and Counterdeception,” in Multidisciplinary Perspectives in Military Deception, ed. Donald C. Daniel et al. (Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 1980), 60.
  6. Carolyn Pumphrey and Antulio Echevarria II, eds., Strategic Deception in Modern Democracies: Ethical, Legal, and Policy Challenges (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, November 2003), 4.
  7. Charles A. Fowler and Robert F. Nesbit, “Tactical Deception in Air-Land Warfare,” Journal of Electronic Defense (June 1, 1995), available at <www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-17620824.html>.
  8. Geraint Hughes, The Military’s Role in Counterterrorism: Examples and Implications for Liberal Democracies, Letort Paper (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, May 2011), 105. Mid–19th century states feared pirates were primarily conducting false-flag operations (FFOs), and as a result the practice was discontinued. However, during both world wars, the German navy continued to conduct FFOs globally.
  9. Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 8 June 1977, Art. 37. See also Field Manual 27-10, Law of Land Warfare (Washington, DC: Headquarters Department of the Army, July 18, 1956), 23.
  10. Thomas W. Smith, Jr., Encyclopedia of the Central Intelligence Agency (New York: Facts on File, 2003), 31.
  11. Mark E. Stout, John R. Schindler, and Jessica M. Huckabey, The Terrorist Perspectives Project: Strategic and Operational Views of Al Qaida and Associated Movements (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2008), 122.
  12. James Adams, The Next World War: Computers Are the Weapons and the Frontline Is Everywhere (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001), 286.
  13. Heuer, “Strategic Deception and Counterdeception,” 294.

India’s Hate Speech Pandemic: Communal Intolerance And Sectarian Violence – Analysis

$
0
0

There is uproar in India over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s studied silence on the seemingly increasing communal intolerance in the country. It is more important to focus on why these acts are being committed and how the government tackles the sectarian violence.

By Akanksha Narain*

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s studied silence on recent incidents of sectarian violence and anti-Muslim hate speech have been seen as giving the green light to right-wing Hindu extremists to wreak havoc among minority communities.

Although, the prime minister is not expected to respond to every incident, the grisly lynching of a person or brutal rape of a nun in a church are not just a “small incident”, contrary to what some of his party members may claim. Moreover, his lack of action against his own ministers and party members, who further stoke communal tensions, sends the wrong message to the Indian public and the world.

Symptomatic of fundamental problems

These incidents are not standalone problems; they are symptoms of a deeper and graver problem. ‘Love Jihad’, organising mass gharvapsi (homecoming), Jains trying to impose a six-day long meat ban on an entire city and lynching of people over presumed acts of eating beef and cow slaughter or simply throwing ink on people for organising a beef party are not isolated incidents. They are a chain of events that indicates underlying intolerant and exclusivist ideologies. The issue is not whether a beef ban should be imposed or not. It is about people respecting diversity of beliefs and religious practices.

Despite the blatant use of religious rhetoric to incite people there is little that law enforcement agencies are doing or can do. Already there is political rallying so as to ensure that those involved in the Dadri case, where a 52-year old Muslim who was presumed to have consumed beef was lynched to death by a mob, go scot-free.

Narendra Modi is unable to silence members of his own party and other organisations that have been inciting intolerance and violence, especially religious friction, as these organisations and parties have played a major role in Bhartiya Janta Party’s (BJP) decisive victory in the 2014 general election.

Political compulsions

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu nationalist organisation, has and continues to provide BJP the manpower during national and state elections. During the 2014 elections the organisation actively campaigned for BJP, particularly for Narendra Modi. The organisation’s mouthpiece Panchjanya, in its recent edition, carried a cover story saying the Vedas (Hindu scripture) orders the killing of “sinners” who slaughter cows. It also alleges that madrasas and the Muslim leadership teach Indian Muslims to hate the country’s traditions. Despite the hate-speech the government has not taken any action against the publishers for hurting religious sentiments and inciting hatred.

Historically, RSS has been the ideological backbone of the BJP. Moreover, Modi himself was a member of the organisation and his government has appointed a number of RSS members as heads of various government committees and universities. This means that it will be very difficult for Modi to not only take action against RSS but also distance himself and his government from the acts carried out by them. Furthermore, BJP itself has tried to capture the Hindu vote by promising to build a Ram temple at the same contentious spot where the Babri mosque in Ayodhaya, was demolished by Hindu extremists.

In the state of Maharashtra BJP is stuck in alliance with Shiv Sena (SS), another Hindu right wing party, which has been flexing its muscles not only in the state but also in other parts of the country. SS activists not only assaulted two Muslims youths for carrying ox hide but also condemned Modi for calling the Dadri incident “sad” given his “connection” with the Godhra riots.

Identity-based politics is not a new phenomenon in India. Vote banks on the basis of caste, class, ethnicity, and language are intrinsic to the country’s politics. However, today political parties gleefully cash in on religious polarisation as public discourse is being hijacked by extremists on either side. The on-going electoral ‘beef’ between the supposed cow defenders and the cow eaters in the state of Bihar provides a sneak-peak into what is happening across the country. On the one hand Hindu right wing organisations campaigned for BJP, and on the other hand one sees the debut of the All India Majlis-e-IttehadulMuslimeen (AIMIM) in the state so as to exploit the Muslim vote bank.

Way forward

While PM Modi has been traversing all corners of the world trying to sell the idea of a digital and emerging India, the country is battling with meat bans, mob lynching and murder of writers and rationalists. It seems that certain radical elements are feeling emboldened to carry out more vicious attacks while saner voices of academicians and intellectuals can do no more than surrender their national awards in protest.

It is time that Narendra Modi travelled the length and breadth of the country sending out a loud and clear message: intolerance, whether intra or inter-religious, is unacceptable. This of course, cannot just be limited to words; action must soon follow. Those who throw ink on individuals, kill people over what they eat, ban people of a particular religion from taking part in religious festivities of another group, must be dealt with firmly.

The same goes for government officials who have refused to take any action against the hate mongers or have directly or indirectly supported them. One cannot focus on India’s economic development while its social fabric withers away, especially when social and political instability can have adverse effects on the economic output of a country.

How India deals with its minorities and upholds secular, liberal values enshrined in its constitution, is going to be a major litmus test for the country, especially when India is poised to become the country with the highest Muslim population by 2050. The world’s largest democracy has always taken pride in being a diverse country; it is time to protect that diversity, especially religious diversity. It is time for the Indian masses, Hindus and Muslims, to step up and push aside the handful of fundamentalists who thrive on polarisation.

*Akanksha Narain is a Research Analyst with the Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme, a constituent unit of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

Turkey: At A Critical Juncture – Analysis

$
0
0

The 2002 electoral victory of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi or AKP) was a turning point in modern Turkey’s political narrative. The relatively young leadership of the party, while subscribing to the secular basis of the Turkish Republic, was openly demonstrative of their devout Muslim identity and clearly articulated their support for the preservation of Islamic values and norms in society and the loosening of state control on religious practices. The international observers believed that this was the moment when Turkey would emerge to prove the compatibility of Islam and democracy to the wider Muslim world. However, an analysis of the state of Turkey after AKP has been in power for 13 years and is set to rule for another four, produces a somewhat different picture.

While the secular basis of the social and political order has not been dismantled, the framework has been eroded and is now brittle. There is also no denying that the social and political atmosphere has been irrevocably altered by the open permission and encouragement to use greater religious symbolism and imagery in all walks of life. More damaging has been the party’s disregard for the norms of liberal democratic traditions. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the unquestioned ‘king’ of AKP, has revealed himself to be willing and ruthlessly able to silence and even persecute his opponents and critics, both within and outside his party. The authoritarian streak within the AKP leadership was exemplified by the jailing and sentencing of hundreds of military officers and other critics of the party on trumped up charges. The sanctity of the rule of law, and the democratic culture of the nation has been irrevocably damaged over the past decade.

The November 2015 Elections

Turkey went to the polls on 7 June 2015 and returned an ambiguous verdict, not giving any single party the necessary majority to rule. The election also brought the single party rule of the AKP to and end after 13 years. The reasons for this setback to AKP are many and varied, but it set in motion a series of events that could see Turkey transform into an entity that its founding father Mustafa Kemal would never be able to recognise. Turkey’s constitution stipulates that in the event of a hung-election and the inability of any coalition to garner the numbers to rule, the country will have go back to the polls after a few months. This is exactly what happened—Turkey went back to the polls on 1 November and returned with a very different verdict as compared to 7 June. What happened between June and November to alter the public perception that now gives the AKP a fourth consecutive term?

The first noticeable change was the erosion of the sense of security that the people of Turkey had so far felt under the AKP. The upsurge in terrorism—with the bloody clashes against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistane or PKK) and the suicide bombings by the Islamic State (IS)—during the four months has spread an overall sense of diminished security in the country. The second was the economic downturn, not the result of the resurgence of political violence, but because of a certain amount of mismanagement and as a repercussion of flawed foreign policy initiatives. The Western media squarely blames President Erdogan for both these issues. However, the popular domestic view has been that these emerging issues are the result of the absence of a strong AKP government since the elections in 7 June.

This dichotomy has to be analyzed further to arrive at a reasoned understanding of the situation. Before the June election, the priority issue for the nation was state of the economy, which was showing signs of wear and tear and in a downturn. The eruption of violence and terrorist attacks in the interim between the two elections was cleverly used by the AKP to point towards their previous record of 13 years of stability and convince the electorate that only a majority AKP government could solve the challenge posed to the nation through terrorism and violence. The fact is that although the economic indicators have not changed, even a little bit, between the two elections terrorism replaced economy on centere-stage in the election rhetoric. The majority Sunni electorate was convinced by the regime that the PKK had reignited fresh violence after June. The opposition indirectly assisted this explanation by being dysfunctional and not being able put forward a clear narrative of on-going events. The media played a significant role in influencing the popular perceptions regarding what was ailing the country.

On 1 November, the AKP won 49.4 per cent of the vote, an increase from the 40.9 per cent in June, capturing 316 of the 550 parliamentary seats, which is a comfortable majority. This result went against the grain of all predictions, to a certain extent even by the party itself. The National Action Party (Milliyetci Hareket Partisi or MHP) had won 80 seats and 16.4 per cent of the vote in June. However, it steadfastly refused to join the AKP in a coalition to form the government although both the parties have a broadly similar right wing, conservative outlook. This cost the party dearly in November, the people who were fed up of political instability punished the MHP. The party just managed to win 11.9 per cent of the vote and were reduced 40 seats in November. They are no longer an influential party in the Parliament.

The pro-Kurdish Peoples Democratic Party (Halkalarin Demokratik Partisi or HDP) had won double its traditional share of votes in June and managed to enter the parliament for the first time with 13.1 per cent of the votes and 80 seats. In November they managed to stay in the parliament, (Turkish electoral system laws are that a minimum of 10 per cent of votes have to be won by a party to be able to represent in parliament) winning 10.7 per cent of the votes and 61 seats. The HDP being pro-Kurdish has obvious sympathy for the PKK although they attempt to put forward a liberal narrative of peace. The violence blamed on the PKK has got the party stuck between Scylla and Charybdis and even some Kurdish supporters have abandoned them and returned to the AKP. The divisiveness of internal Kurdish politics is examined later. The main opposition party, Republican Peoples’ Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi or CHP) retained its June share of 25.4 per cent of the vote and 134 seats.

The AKP has declared the victory as an approval of its policies and more interestingly as a personal endorsement of Erdogan. The party now stays in power till 2019. The victory was crafted by adding a new challenge to the nation and then convincing the electorate that only AKP could solve it. The violence, which has been blamed completely on the PKK, will have to be contained fully almost immediately to ensure that the tactical political manoeuvring that has won the election for the AKP does not turn into a zero-sum game. The PKK cannot be subdued through military action. Negotiations are the only way forward if the cycle of violence that engulfed the nation in the 1980s and 1990s are not to be repeated.

The election victory will not change Erdogan’s general approach to politics and intolerance of criticism. If at all, the arrogance will only get entrenched. The fact is that any institution that could have enforced democratic norms and questioned the government policies have been effectively defanged in the past 13 years in a concerted manner, through the implementation carefully laid plans. The only development to watch out now is whether or not Erdogan will immediately pursue the plans to change the constitution and introduce a Presidential system of government. To alter the constitution the AKP needs the assistance of one of the other political parties, a simple majority in parliament is not sufficient to do so. Constitutional amendment to facilitate a presidential form of government has been a long term agenda and the priority laid in achieving it will tell the story of Erdogan’s personal ambition.

Turkey’s World View

Turkey’s world view has always focused on the Middle-East and the AKP covets a significant role in the region and through it in the larger Islamic world. The AKP has pan-Islamic ambitions and wishes, rather craves, for a new regional order in which Turkey will play the most important role. Turkey wants to emphasise the allure of history while adhering to the concept of a nation-state with nationalism as an important cornerstone in the creation of such entities that it wants to share as a model with the rest of the Muslim world. In his attempt to recreate the Turkish state as a modern democratic republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk abandoned a centuries-old struggle for regional primacy and isolated Turkey in order to focus on nation-building. The new Turkey under the AKP and Erdogan invariably harks back to the lost glory of the Ottomans that it wants to regain and is therefore assiduously building a neo-Ottoman imperial agenda.

Turkey considers itself the natural leader of the Middle-East but also suffers from a sense of humiliation because of its failure to join or be accepted by the European Union (EU), which has been a steadfast aim of successive governments. A full integration with the West, Ataturk’s glorious dream, is still unfulfilled. In order to understand some of the more incomprehensible actions that Turkey has recently initiated, they must be viewed through this complex prism of the national narrative.

The Turkey-Iran Equation

For centuries the Ottomans and the Persians, the only two non-Arb powers in the Middle-East, led rival empires for the domination of the region. Turkey and Iran, their contemporary successor states, have continued this millennium old rivalry and are today once again at cross purposes in the quest for the leadership of the broader Muslim world. However, in recent times they have shown some signs of willingness to reach an uneasy accommodation with each other. While open enmity is not visible, there is no overt friendship on display either—stand-off supporting the current status quo seems to be in place.

Both the nations seem to be comfortable with functioning at the extreme grey area between aloofness and alliance. Turkey and Iran offer very different paths to regional stability; each based on the post-colonial experiences of the individual states. Over the past few decades the amorphous variations have coalesced into religious and ideological differences with both aspiring for wider recognition as regional powers. Whether this delicate situation will lead to a power sharing agreement is too far in the future to speculate upon.

Iran has its own ghosts to grapple with. It is still considered by the other regional states as a revolutionary state and Iran has an implicit belief that the regional balance of power is biased and tilted against it. If the region is stable, then Iran will be able to exert only minimal influence. However, when the region is in tumultuous instability and in the throes of sectarian violence, Iran can enhance its regional influence by supporting the groups that feel downtrodden, which creates a position of power for it within the Shiite world. Since the ultimate position of power is an eternal quest for both Iran and Turkey, Iran is not particularly enamoured with Erdogan’s regional initiatives.

In spite of the mutual antipathy, Iran and Turkey share a broader and enduring economic relationship and there is an acceptance of the inter-dependence of the economies in both the nations. Even at the height of the sanctions in 2012-13, around 90 per cent of all Iranian gas was exported to Turkey. Turkey is the hub for oil and natural gas transfer, placed strategically between the suppliers and the customers. Iran is aware of this and of their dependence on the Turkish state for their energy export. Therefore, the competition between the two is carefully compartmentalised. The current conflict in Syria, where the two nations are placed on opposing ends of the spectrum however has the potential to rupture the carefully papered over divisions and ancient rivalries between the two neighbours.

The Kurdish Issue

It is often forgotten that the Kurds are the oldest inhabitants of Anatolia. Their demand for limited autonomy has created chronic unrest in Turkey since the 1980s, which tends to dominate the domestic agenda. After a brief respite in the past three years, the Kurdish issue has boiled over again. Sadly, when it comes to dealing with the Kurds, the ideals, rule of law and democracy all get pushed to the background by the mainstream Turks. The plight of the Turkish Kurds is unenviable.

The pro-Kurdish HDP won 13.1 per cent of the votes in the June elections and called for peace at all costs. This is in direct contrast to the strategy adopted by the PKK, the traditional standard bearers of the Kurds, who were angered by this stance. Perhaps because of this rift, the PKK declared an end to the ceasefire that had been agreed with the government almost immediately after the HDP achieved their best-ever electoral result.

The PKK opposes civilian politics and within the party has legitimised the use of violence as a means to achieve their desired objectives. It is also aligned with the Syrian/Iraqi Kurds who are currently the only ‘moderate’ faction in the Syrian Civil War that has gained sufficient traction on the ground to be considered an influential group. Their latest victory in retaking the town of Sinjar from the Islamic State (IS) in Iraq underscores this point. The Syrian Kurds are aligned with the Western coalition and are being supplied and supported by the US. However, Turkey has steadfastly stuck to its stance of being against all and any Kurd group, irrespective of nationality.

The Kurdish issue has become a permanent feature in Turkey’s political landscape. Ever since Mustafa Kemal founded the Republic, Kurdish identity has been suppressed by Ankara, often violently. As in many other nations with diverse ethnicities, the differences between the Kurds and Turks have been leveraged by politicians to advance their own selfish and often sectarian agendas. At the moment it seems that the differences between Turkish and Kurdish nationalism has reached an irreconcilable divide. Currently, street violence in Turkey is at an all-time high and the situation furthers an already inherent instability. The Turkish society is now divided into deeply mistrustful groups based on ethnicity and religious affiliations.

At the height of the Kurdish activities in the 1990s PKK had been declared a terrorist organisation by Turkey and the US. In the current and evolving political scenario in the region, PKK has aligned itself with Russia, Iran and what remains of the Assad regime in Damascus. The US has chosen to turn a Nelson’s eye towards this emerging alliance. For the PKK what this means is that, for the first time they will be able to bring external influence to bear in their negotiations and dealings with Ankara. While the AKP’s return to power will not change their attitude towards the Kurdish issue, they may not be able to contain it purely as a domestic issue anymore. Any future anti-Kurdish initiatives would be looked upon more closely by the greater powers with a vested interest in the region.

Turkey’s Syrian Strategy

Under the AKP, Turkey has adopted an uncompromising stance, maintaining that only after the removal of the Assad regime would they participate in any negotiations regarding the future of Syria. The rigidity of this policy has created deep divisions in the nation’s domestic politics, with the main opposition party CHP not being averse to negotiating with Assad. The AKP is unlikely to change its stance after the current re-election since there is no real incentive for them to change their Syria policy. However, the insistence on the removal of Assad as a pre-condition for peace efforts in Syria is an unrealistic objective in the current situation wherein Russia is actively supporting the regime and the Syrian Army.

The criticality of Syria to further Turkey’s regional ambition is easier to understand if it is analysed taking into account the regional events of the past decade. On coming to power in 2002, Erdogan consciously ramped up Turkey’s smart power in the Middle-East, improving Turkey’s image and touting the AKP brand of ‘democratic Islam’ as a model. He was uniformly successful in this undertaking. By the time the so-called Arab Spring came about, Turkey, and particularly Erdogan, were at the height of their popularity in the region. Turkey’s overarching reaction to the unfolding events was to sponsor Sunni Islamist groups wherever possible. This was severely criticised by other regional powers who accused Turkey of promoting extremism. In Egypt, Turkey’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood failed and there is visible antagonism between Erdogan and the Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Turkey also supports Hamas that had been declared a terrorist organisation by both the US and EU. In August, the Arab League passed a resolution condemning Turkey for bombing the PKK in northern Iraq. The fall from grace was rapid.

In 2011, when the Syrian civil war started, Turkey believed that Basher al-Assad would also go the Gadhafi way, and be removed quickly. This belief made Turkey support the hard-line factions in Syria, entering into and stoking the sectarian strife that was emerging. However, Turkey had not fully understood Assad’s obstinate staying power and had miscalculated the regional dynamics. It had also underestimated the foreign support that Assad could rely upon—on hindsight it seems certain that Turkey had not factored the circling of the wagons by Iran, Hezbollah and Russia to provide pivotal military, political and economic support that continues to ensure Assad’s regime survival. Turkey’s inability to project power into the Syrian imbroglio is a sign of its waning influence in the region.

In the meantime, Assad has cleverly leveraged his country’s geographical position to convert it into an energy corridor that would rival Turkey’s attempt at doing the same thing by signing a $ 10 billion worth memorandum of understanding with Iran. The proposal is to create an ‘Islamic pipeline’ to carry natural gas from Iran towards its export market. This is a nuanced move that has long term implications for the economic developments in the region and abroad, which has not been sufficiently analysed or considered in the broader debate. Turkey could be left out in the cold.

Turkey has aligned its actions in Syria with Saudi Arabia in supporting Jabhat al-Nusra, the main Sunni, anti-Assad force other than the IS. This group has been credited with the territorial defeat of the Assad forces in early 2015, which was the catalyst for the Russian military intervention. The Russian actions were initially directed against the al-Nusra and other smaller groups fighting the Assad regime and both Turkey and Saudi Arabia were unable, and also unwilling, to do anything about this direct targeting of their allies and proxies. Turkey also has a military agreement with Qatar, and together they continue to sponsor the elements fighting the Assad regime. However, there is a clear understanding in both these nations that they would not commit ground forces in Syria.

Turkey currently is stuck with and committed to a strategy of regime change in Syria, although it has now become a failed initiative, with no meaningful effect on reality. It views with trepidation the rising influence and ambition of the Syrian Kurds, fearing that this would lead to an exacerbation of their own internal Kurdish issue. Therefore, in the political negotiations that are being initiated to find a solution to the Syrian Civil War, Turkey will vehemently oppose, and even veto if possible, any move towards providing even limited autonomy to the Syrian Kurds. Turkey is also mistrustful of US intentions in the region and this has become a core premise of all foreign policy development within Turkey. While Turkey is unwilling to accept it, the fact is clear that it is on a downward slope of decreasing relevance and influence. Turkey needs to rethink its foreign policy initiatives and align it more with international plans rather than continue to attempt to change the direction of the rest of the wider world community involved in the region.

Failing Foreign Policy

Turkey now faces a foreign policy crisis. Its Syrian policy has proven to be a mess; the relationship with Israel is strained almost to snapping point; Egypt and the UAE both oppose the concept of political Islam that Turkey ardently supports, thereby increasing tensions; Turkey considers Egyptian President al-Sisi unpalatable to deal with; and is at odds with Jordan for their tacit support for the Russian intervention. Russia is a now a major and critical player in the shifting geo-political order in the Middle-East, whether Turkey admits it or not. Turkey needs a more pragmatic and flexible approach to its foreign policy. The recent electoral victory and the four-year term that it entails should be used as an opportunity to take stock and alter core foreign policies to avoid the train wreck that is coming its way.

All the facts are pointing towards the need to revise its foreign policy. However, considering the past record of President Erdogan who calls all the shots in the ruling AKP, changes if any are instituted are bound to be biased and minimal. The AKP has repeatedly demonstrated an entrenched anti-Western sentiment and Erdogan has been abrasive in his anti-Western rhetoric. Given the corner that it has painted itself into, this is unlikely to be toned down in the near future.

However, pragmatism dictates that with Iran now being part of the peace talks in Vienna, Turkey needs to reorient its foreign policy, if it is to continue to be relevant and influential in the region. While a U-turn may not be possible or palatable to the AKP and its leadership that is what it will take to regain lost traction.

The refugee crisis in Europe could provide an opening for Turkey to be seen to be proactive. Turkey does have an important role in resolving the crisis and Europe needs its cooperation. However, Turkey is likely to push a hard bargain and not look to creating good will. It will want a more liberalised visa regime for its citizens for entry into EU. Considering the recent events in Paris, this might not even be on the negotiating table. It is also unlikely that the refugee crisis and Turkey’s cooperation in sorting it out will be sufficient to restart a push for EU Membership. After all the European nations are past masters at diplomatic negotiations and very good at compartmentalising different aspects of foreign policy.

In Conclusion

Turkey has grandiose plans of creating a new ‘global order’, within which political Islam will find its rightful place. It believes that the regional autocracies in the Middle-East are doomed to failure and that they will be replaced by an elected government led by a ‘man of the people’. The fact that such a person invariably turns out to be despotic and dictatorial, clinging to power long after his usefulness has become illusory, is lost in the hubris of this rhetoric. Turkey believes that it will be seen as the torchbearer in creating such a region which it would influence completely under the banner of pan-Islamism; the call to unite under Islam being the common denominator in this appeal. It is openly known that Islamist groups across the Middle-East are unofficial allies of the AKP and derive support from the party. In a single-focused pursuance of this agenda, the AKP has thrown aside the nation’s much vaunted secularism with the convenient argument that secularism does not represent the will of the Turkish people. There is no evidence to prove this claim.

The AK-ruled Turkey today stands at a cross-road. The path it takes will determine Turkey’s place in the global comity of nations into the future. If one is to hazard a guess—it would seem that at the end of the next four-year rule of the AKP, Turkey would be the hub of political Islam; and sectarian violence would have increased on the heels of religious intolerance. The painstakingly built ‘Republic’ of Mustafa Kemal may by then have been sacrificed to fulfil the biased, narrow-minded and sectarian ambition of a single individual.

Iran Among Countries Said To Be Targeted By Islamic State For Attacks

$
0
0

Speaking on the sidelines of the Syria peace talks in Vienna on Saturday November 14, Iraqi Foreign Minister Ebrahim al-Jafari said: “Information was obtained from Iraqi intelligence sources before the Paris attacks occurred that the countries to be targeted soon were Europe in general, specifically France, as well as America and Iran.”

He added that his country had shared this information with France, the United States and Iran but he did not provide any details.

The announcement comes after armed attackers targeted six locations across Paris on Friday November 13, leaving more than 120 dead and hundreds more injured.

The next day, ISIS claimed responsibility for the attacks. The French government has made no comment on Jafari’s statements.

France and the U.S. have stepped up their involvement in the air strikes on ISIS targets in Syria.

Iran has also reported an increase in its military “advisory” role in Syria in the last month.

Iran’s intelligence minister also reported the arrest of dozens of people last week in Khuzestan, Sistan-Baluchistan, Tehran, Golestan and Mazandaran provinces allegedly linked to “terrorist groups” and added that Russian military operations in Syria have raised the Islamic Republic’s security alertness.

HRW Says Paris Attacks Underscore Need For Effective Response To Refugee Crisis

$
0
0

European Union governments should take urgent action to bring Europe’s response to the refugee challenge, now a full blown EU crisis, in line with their legal responsibilities and stated values, Human Rights Watch said in a report released Monday.

The 16-page report, “Europe’s Refugee Crisis: An Agenda for Action,” analyzes the failings of the EU governments’ response to the crisis and sets out recommendations to improve Europe’s response across four broad areas: reducing the need for dangerous journeys; addressing the crisis at Europe’s borders; fixing the EU’s broken asylum system; and ensuring EU cooperation with other countries that improves refugee protection and respect for human rights.

“In a world of increasing displacement, conflict, and human rights abuse, EU leadership is more important than ever,” said Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The horrific Paris attacks on November 13 underscore the need for an effective collective EU response to the refugee crisis that allows for orderly processing and proper screening for asylum seekers, including those fleeing ISIS violence in Syria and Iraq.”

Amnesty International also released on November 17, 2015, an important report, “Fear and Fences: Europe’s Response to Keeping Refugees at Bay,” on this issue, outlining similar concerns.

More than 800,000 asylum seekers and migrants have arrived in Europe by sea in 2015, with most traveling onward to northern and western EU countries. According to UNHCR, the United Nations refugee agency, 84 percent were from Syria, Afghanistan, Eritrea, Somalia, or Iraq – all countries experiencing conflict, widespread violence and insecurity, or countries with highly repressive governments.

While the EU and its member states have stepped up search-and-rescue operations, more than 3,450 people have died in the Mediterranean trying to reach Europe in 2015.

The response of many EU governments to the crisis has been deeply flawed. The response has been characterized by deaths at sea, chaos, and deplorable humanitarian conditions at sometimes-closed or blocked land borders, and inadequate responsibility sharing and collective action. Many EU countries have tried to deflect responsibility onto countries outside the European Union.

HRW said the European Union and its member countries should work collectively to: Save lives at sea through robust search-and-rescue operations in the central Mediterranean and the Aegean Sea; Reduce the need for dangerous journeys by increasing refugee resettlement, facilitating family reunification, and providing humanitarian visas; Resolve the chaos at Europe’s borders through increased preparedness and coordination, swifter implementation of an agreed-upon emergency relocation scheme, and access to fair and efficient asylum procedures – including at the Greek and Bulgarian land borders with Turkey – and decent reception conditions throughout the region; Fix the EU’s broken asylum system, and start by replacing the flawed Dublin system with a permanent mechanism for distributing asylum seekers equitably and enforcing EU standards across all member states; Respect rights in migration cooperation with countries outside the EU by carefully designing, carrying out, and monitoring programs; and Put human rights at the center of diplomatic and other efforts to tackle root causes of refugee and migration flows.

The EU should also ensure that efforts to counter smuggling and human trafficking do not endanger lives, prevent people from seeking international protection, or return them to countries where they would face abuse.

“Drowning at sea or freezing in a Balkan field can never be acceptable forms of border control,” Sunderland said. “European governments should expand safe and legal channels, and ensure access to asylum and humane treatment at its borders and inside every single member state.”

German ‘Triple Agent’ Claims He Spied For CIA

$
0
0

A German suspected triple agent charged with treason admitted Monday to spying for the CIA, telling a court he had done so out of dissatisfaction with his secret service job.

“No one trusted me with anything at the Federal Intelligence Service (BND). At the CIA it was different,” Markus Reichel told a Munich court at the opening of his trial.

Reichel’s case emerged during a furore over revelations of widespread US spying, revealed by former CIA intelligence contractor Edward Snowden, which has also sunk its partner service the BND into an unprecedented crisis.

Besides accusing him of sending “scores of documents and internal information” to the US Central Intelligence Agency, prosecutors said Reichel also provided three documents to the Russian secret service in the country’s Munich consulate.

Sitting in the dock, the 32-year-old appeared an unlikely agent.

Partially disabled after a botched childhood vaccination, Reichel, who grew up in communist East Germany, spoke haltingly.

After finishing his studies at a training centre for the disabled in 2004, he had been unable to find a job until late 2007, when the BND gave him a position in its mailroom.

With monthly net pay of 1,200 euros, Reichel was in the lowest salary band at the BND.

But the CIA wasn’t paying significantly more, the court heard — Reichel allegedly received between 10,000 and 20,000 euros each year in cash at a secret meeting point in Austria.

In all, he obtained 95,000 euros in exchange for documents including names and addresses of BND agents. Rather, what Reichel obtained from the CIA was recognition.

“I would be lying if I said that I didn’t like that,” he told the court.

Until his arrest on July 2 last year, Reichel was still working for the BND. If convicted, he could face up to 15 years in prison.

Reichel’s case emerged in the wake of revelations the United States has been carrying out widespread surveillance on global communications.

Niger: Opposition Presidential Candidate Arrested

$
0
0

Hama Amadou, the former parliament speaker and opposition presidential candidate, was arrested on Saturday on returning to the capital Niamey. Amadou had left Niger in August 2014 after being investigated for child trafficking.

He was arrested directly at the Niamey airport and taken by twenty some policemen to the city central prison.

According to the media, the police were forced to use tear gas to disperse the politician’s supporters who were demonstrating along the road.

Earlier today also another of the accused in the child trafficking ring, former Agricultural Minister Abdou Labo, announced his candidature for the presidency. Now four candidates are officially running for office on February 21. Aside from Amadou Labo, also Planning Mminister Amadou Boubacar Cissé and exiting President Mahamadou Issoufou are running.


Presence Of Female Executives May Have Negative Impact On Other Women Aspiring To Senior Leadership?

$
0
0

After analyzing 20 years of data on the S&P 1,500 firms, researchers have proposed a theory that women in top management face an implicit quota, whereby a firm’s leadership makes an effort to have a small number of women on the top management team but makes less effort to have, or even resists having, larger numbers of women.

Therefore, the likelihood that a given position in a top management team is occupied by a woman is lower if another position on the same team is occupied by a woman.

The findings suggest that without efforts to promote greater gender equity in leadership positions, women may remain an isolated minority in top management.

“An important implication of these findings is that a firm’s efforts to promote gender diversity in management may need to redouble, rather than relent, once the firm makes some initial progress,” said Professor David Gaddis Ross, author of the study, which will be published in a special issue of the Strategic Management Journal.

Clean Energies In Need Of Long Term Vision

$
0
0

Although cheaper than the polluting fossil fuel-based energy, the electricity coming from renewable sources lacks clear regulations that would enable it to be used at the large scale.

The European grid already faces transmission challenges, as the alternative current (AC) infrastructure has almost reached its transport capacity. That’s why large transports of electricity through the grid tackle stability problems, leading to the raise of the overall system costs, outages and blackouts.

In addition, by 2050, the majority of Europe’s electricity has to come from renewables and therefore, the security of supply and the energy affordability need to be ensured.

The offshore winds farms in the North and Baltic Seas have started to supply power for the neighbouring countries. But to transport vast amount of electricity produced in the European waters to longer distances, a power grid infrastructure at the sea should be built.

“It is more challenging to bring the wind energy to the consumption areas inside the continent, especially from distant production locations from the Northern coast of Europe. In the future we are going to develop a technology that can transport much bigger amount of electricity, in case there are losses due to the long distances,” said Andreas Wagner, managing director at the German Offshore Wind Energy Foundation, located in Berlin, Germany. He believes that it is a huge potential of connecting wind farms to each other or to different countries and to transport the electricity to the markets that need it.

Growing share of renewable electricity implies fundamental changes in the way the transmission’s lines are designed, used and controlled.

“I reckon now Europe is on track to develop a future grid able to deliver sustainable, cost-effective and reliable electricity to the customers,” said Roberto Vigotti, secretary general at Renewable Energy Solutions for the Mediterranean (RES4MED), a non- profit association in Rome, Italy.

Indeed, achieving the EU internal energy market will allow a smooth penetration of renewable energy sources and will lead to reduction of CO2 emissions, while ensuring an affordable market for electricity consumers.

Still, challenges remain.

“The progress on building the needed interconnectors is slow, in some cases due to a lack of coordination between Member States,” said Daniel Fraile, senior analyst on Grid and Market Integration at The European Wind Energy Association. EWEA is a network of the wind industry located in Brussels, Belgium. In his opinion, the low regulatory certainty has negative effects on the investments in renewable power generation, in particular off-shore wind power. “There are uncertainties on the cost allocation of projects: who should pay for what needs to be built, who is responsible for the operation, to which market will the electricity be sold.” Fraile added.

For the time being, the unclear methodology for cross border cost allocation led to unanswered questions. For example, it is hard to define who is financially responsible for building an interconnector from which more countries will benefit.

“Will Bulgaria pay for an interconnector between Germany and Austria? Who does benefit more from the use of wind energy?” said Fraile, explaining why is difficult for the decision makers to come up with a standard methodology.

There are also technical barriers related to the appropriate application of High Voltage Direct Current (HVDC) technology, designed to transport the electricity over very long distances. This technology will also permit the connection between the remote wind farms and the continent or from the large solar farms in the South of Europe or North Africa to the European grid.

These barriers are also analyzed within the European project Best Paths.

“The issues in progress in HVDC technology are related to the cables, the efficiency and the control of power conversion, communication and monitoring systems. Overcoming these barriers will create benefits, among others, in terms of economic savings, since this technology is less costly per unit of lengths than an equivalent existing AC,” said Roberto Vigotti.

The lack of a common vision and a stable investment framework for renewables need also to be addressed. At the EU level, the European Commission set budget allocations for Projects of Common Interest, which co-finance several cross border electricity connections. But the experts say it is not enough.

“The regulatory framework between the Member States also needs to give incentives to the industry to develop the necessary technology,” said Andreas Wagner.

Former Smokers Who Quit Within Past Year Four Times More Likely To Be Daily Users Of E-Cigarettes

$
0
0

Adding to a growing body of research on patterns of e-cigarette use, researchers from Rutgers School of Public Health and the Steven A. Schroeder Institute for Tobacco Research and Policy Studies at Truth Initiative have found evidence that among U.S. adults, some recent cigarette quitters may have done so with the assistance of electronic cigarettes.

The research informs an ongoing debate as to whether e-cigarettes are effective aids for smoking cessation, promote uptake by non-tobacco users, discourage cessation via dual use of cigarettes and e-cigarettes, or encourage relapse to cigarette use among former smokers.

In “Patterns Of Electronic Cigarette Use Among Adults in the United States,” published earlier this month in Nicotine & Tobacco Research, researchers analyzed data from the 2014 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) of 36,697 U.S. adults age 18 and over to assess daily e-cigarette use and its association with demographic characteristics and cigarette smoking status. The researchers analyzed e-cigarette use among adults who are current daily cigarette smokers, current some day cigarette smokers, recent quitters – those who quit within the last year, former smokers who quit two to three years ago, former smokers who quit four or more years ago and never smokers.

Consistent with a report recently released by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the authors found that, overall, 12.6 percent of all adults report having ever tried e-cigarettes. The Rutgers/Truth Initiative study goes further by examining daily use of e-cigarettes and found that nearly half (49 percent) of daily cigarette smokers have ever tried e-cigarettes.

“The highest prevalence of daily e-cigarette use we observed was among current smokers and former smokers who quit within the past year. The recent quitters are four times more likely to be daily users of e-cigarettes than current cigarette smokers (13 percent vs. 3.5 percent),” said Cristine Delnevo, the study’s lead author. “This study is in line with other recent evidence that regular, daily e-cigarette use may help some smokers quit cigarettes,” Delnevo added.

The researchers also found that while any e-cigarette use was higher among young adults, daily e-cigarette use was more common among adults over age 25 than among young adults aged 18-24. They noted that e-cigarette experimentation was extremely low for adults who never smoked cigarettes or who quit more than four years ago. Among their key takeaways: e-cigarettes do not appear to attract young adults, non-smokers or promote relapse among longer-term former smokers.

“The finding that daily e-cigarette use is less common among 18-24 year olds and never smokers is good news,” according to David Abrams, executive director of the Schroeder Institute. “It suggests that e-cigarettes could be used to displace use of much more deadly cigarettes among smokers and could generate an impressive public health benefit in terms of lives saved. It is important to be clear, however, that e-cigarettes deliver nicotine, an addictive stimulant. They are not appropriate products for children and youth.”

The authors caution that more precise measures of when, why and how e-cigarette use was initiated and how it is continuing are needed, and that such questions as well as longitudinal cohort studies may help researchers and policymakers better understand issues such as dual use, exclusive e-cigarette use and e-cigarette use as a potential cessation aid.

The Secret Lives Of Bagels And Falafel

$
0
0

What do bagels and falafel have in common? According to a Hebrew University of Jerusalem researcher, the identification of the bagel with American Jewry, and falafel’s similar status among Israeli Jews, teaches us a great deal about the dynamics of migration and changing self-identification of their respective communities.

“In both cases,” said Stampfer, “these foods attest to a community’s desire to integrate into the surrounding society, while at the same time maintaining a distinct cultural or ethnic identity.” In short, Stampfer said, these two simple foods epitomize the modern Jewish experience.

What do bagels and falafel have in common? According to a Hebrew University of Jerusalem researcher, comparing the histories of these two foods shows us that bagels and falafel have much more in common than meets the eye.

On a simple level, said Prof. Shaul Stampfer, both foods are based on a triad of elements (bagels, lox and cream cheese; pita, falafel balls and salad); both started out as street foods; and both are “Jewish” foods but not linked to a religious holiday.

But at a deeper level, said Stampfer, the identification of the bagel with American Jewry, and falafel’s similar status among Israeli Jews, teaches us a great deal about the dynamics of migration and changing self-identification of their respective communities.

Stampfer is the Rabbi Edward Sandrow Professor of Soviet and East European Jewry, in the Department of the History of the Jewish People at the Hebrew University’s Mandel Institute of Jewish Studies. His research is published in the new book Jews and Their Foodways – Studies in Contemporary Jewry (2015), edited by Anat Helman and published by Oxford University Press.

“In both cases,” said Stampfer, “these foods attest to a community’s desire to integrate into the surrounding society, while at the same time maintaining a distinct cultural or ethnic identity.” This was particularly the case with the bagel.

The bagel began as a type of small pretzel in Eastern Europe. It put on weight in New York until it was big enough to host a sandwich. It was matched with the newly invented cream cheese (a dairy equivalent of schmalz or rendered chicken fat) and low-cost salted salmon. The combination, with the Yiddish terms (bagel, schmear, lox) evoked ”the old country” and among the children of immigrant Jews, it became a Sunday morning staple.

Among evolving nations, and especially among groups of immigrants, there is a need to display and maintain distinctiveness. For this reason, when immigrant communities abandon national traits like language, they can use other identifiers, like iconic foods, to maintain differences.

Since such foods can be shared and appreciated by the broader society, they allow group members to maintain a linkage with the past and with each other, without standing apart or closing themselves off to the rest of society.

The bagel was particularly useful in this vein because it gave secular Jews a way to identify as Jews without resorting to religious or other identity symbols.

A surprising if somewhat hilarious outcome of the bagel’s status as a Jewish icon is the coining of the verb “bageling” to represent any instance in which people use code words, such as bagel or other “Jewish” words, to identify themselves to other Jews. Stampfer cites as the origin of the term “bageling” an episode in which a yarmulka-wearing youth named Doodie Miller was in a college lecture, and a young woman leaned over and whispered, “This class is as boring as my Zayde’s seder.”

As with their counterparts in America, the immigrants to Eretz Israel (pre-state Palestine) came from a variety of locales, with a strong potential for maintaining sub-group identities in their new home. Thus, the adoption of foods that were novel to most Jewish immigrants was part of a process that was strikingly similar to what was going on in the United States.

However, while the bagel evokes for many Jews a nostalgia for their Eastern European origins, the process of developing a new Jewish ethnic food was more obvious in Eretz Israel, where a vigorous and conscious effort to create a national identity required the revival of a national language, a national history and, no less, the creation of national foods.

Traditional Middle Eastern breads are dipped in sauces or used as a wrap. European baking technology that came to the Middle East in the late nineteenth century made the pocket pita possible. At the same time, inexpensive frying oil became available and a fried croquette that was popular in India was naturalized in the Middle East and given the name ‘falafel’. At this time, the tomato, which had recently been introduced to the Middle East, began to be used for salad. The combination of pocket pita, falafel balls and vegetable salad (with a bit of tahini added) came into being in the twentieth century.

Here falafel could fill a dual role. On the one hand (with regard to immigrants from Eastern Europe), it underscored the break between immediate past East European Jewish foods and the new “Oriental” world of Eretz Israel. At the same time, this food could be seen as a link with an (imagined) past.

With the falafel, this point was made even more clearly, in the sense that the food was eaten on the street—a clear rejection of European middle-class values that required a formal meal to be eaten in the home. Thus, the falafel was part of a self-conscious effort to create a new ethnic or national identity.

In this regard, said Stampfer, the stories of the bagel and falafel are very significant.

“The story of these two foods demonstrates the complex and often contradictory ways in which ‘ordinary’ people tried to come to grips with very new circumstances. As we see here, while ideologies are preached by intellectuals and propagandized through various channels, their effectiveness is often limited. The choice of which specific food will become iconic comes from below, from the grassroots, and is made not by ideological or political leaders,” Stampfer said.

Stampfer also pointed out that another commonality between the two foods: neither the bagel nor the falafel is the traditional food that it appears to be. The bagel with lox and cream cheese is an American invention that looks and sounds like a relic of ‘the old country’ but was never eaten there. Falafel, as it turns out, is no less a modern invention. The pocket pita is not a traditional Arab bread but the product of European technology; falafel is a modern product that was probably imported from India; and even the tomatoes in the salad are a vegetable new to the Middle East.

As to what motivated his research, Stampfer said, “Why would someone want to invest a great deal of time and effort to write an article about two simple foods—bagels and falafels? It is precisely in more down-to-earth matters such as food practices, dress, and language that one can gain insights into the concerns and values of broader groups within society. Even more important, instead of seeing immigrants as passive groups, it is possible to regard them as taking the initiative—even if in an unorganized or non-ideological manner—in the attempt to create usable and comfortable identities.”

In short, Stampfer said, these two simple foods epitomize the modern Jewish experience—and so the rise of the bagel and falafel was far from accidental.

“The findings of this research indicate a common turn of American Jews and Israeli Jews to the secular but at the same time a common desire to maintain identity—but in different ways. These links are not surprising, but the paths people took to their goal are a bit more surprising,” Stampfer said.

“Hopefully, this study will not only interest bagel and falafel eaters, but will also encourage more comparative studies, a more critical look at the societies we eat in, and a sensitivity to the hidden links between populations and behaviors. On paper, such foods may appear to express contradictory messages. In life, they can be tasty resolutions,” Stampfer said.

Global Energy Demand Has Adverse Effects On Freshwater Resources Of Less Developed Nations

$
0
0

Global energy demand from developed nations has an adverse impact on freshwater resources in less developed nations according to a new study.

While current energy policy focuses on preventing greenhouse gas emissions, the results show that freshwater impacts also need to be considered when deciding future national and international energy policies.

Freshwater is used by the energy sector along the complete supply chain from extraction and conversion of raw material through to generation of power.

The collaborative study of freshwater consumption associated with energy usage, led by the University of Southampton and published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences today, found that petroleum demand within a nation typically drives consumption of freshwater resources internationally, whereas gas and electricity demand drives freshwater consumption within the nation itself.

The research found that this international demand for fresh water can contribute to pressures on water resources in regions of the world that currently experience water scarcity.

The Principal Investigator of the study, Dr Felix Eigenbrod, Associate Professor (Spatial Ecology) at the University of Southampton’s Centre for Biological Sciences, said, “The growing geographic disconnect between energy demand, the extraction and processing of resources, and the environmental impacts associated with energy production activities makes it crucial to factor global trade into sustainability assessments.”

According to Eigenbrod, “These energy-driven pressures on freshwater resources in areas distant from the origin of demand should be considered when designing policy to ensure the security of both fresh water and energy supplies. While much of the debate around energy is focussed on greenhouse gas emissions, our findings highlight the need to consider the full range of consequences of the world’s demand for energy when designing energy and environmental policies.”

Using a combined trade and water model, the researchers compared freshwater consumption associated with energy production supply chains of three energy sectors (petroleum, gas, and electricity) across the world.

While freshwater consumption by the electric and gas sectors largely occurs within countries where the demand for energy originates (91 per cent and 81 per cent respectively), over half of freshwater consumption for the petroleum sector comes from international sources (56 per cent). In the UK, 75 per cent of freshwater consumption for the petroleum sector is from international sources, with 43 per cent of gas and 87 per cent of electric freshwater consumption coming from domestic sources.

The study also found that while the USA and China have similar levels of freshwater consumption associated with their petroleum sectors, the international freshwater footprint of the USA is three times higher than that of China. Understanding differences in national and international reliance on freshwater resources to meet energy demand is key to ensuring water and energy security. As China relies more on its domestic freshwater resources it can directly manage issues relating to their security, this contrasts with the USA who may be more exposed to water and energy shortages outside their direct control.

Lead author Dr Robert Holland, also from the University’s Centre for Biological Sciences, said, “Based on mapping patterns of freshwater consumption associated with energy sectors at subnational scales, our analysis also reveals that pressure on freshwater resources associated with energy production happens in a number of freshwater scarce river basins globally. Identifying critical geographic areas and supply chain hotspots provides a focus for resource management actions to ensure global energy and freshwater security. Understanding the role of international trade in driving pressures on freshwater resources is key to meeting these challenges.”

Co-investigator Professor Gail Taylor from the University of Southampton said, “This study provides us with the first glimpse into the global environmental consequences of energy supply to nations. In the future we hope to apply the approach more widely to consider other energy carriers such as biofuels.”

Viewing all 73679 articles
Browse latest View live


Latest Images