By Peter Tase
Besnik Mustafaj was born on September 23, 1958 in the city of Bajram Curri, in northern Albania. He studied French Literature at the University of Tirana and after the fall of the communist dictatorship in Albania, he was nominated as the first Ambassador of Post-communist Albania to France, Portugal, and Spain. As Ambassador, he led the bilateral negotiations in opening the Albanian Embassy in Spain and contributed towards strengthening cooperation with France and Portugal. He was appointed as Albania’s Foreign Minister in the first government led by Sali Berisha in September 2005, and has served as a Member of Parliament in three legislatures. Currently, he is the President of the Albanian Forum for the Alliance of Civilizations in Tirana, Albania.
A well-respected writer as well as a politician, Mr. Mustafaj has composed essays, prose and poetry, which have been published in various collections: Motive të Gëzuara (Delightful Designs), 1978; Gjinkallat e vapës (The Cicadas of Heat), 2005; Legjenda e Lindjes Sime (The Legend of My Birth), 1998. Among his volumes in prose are: Një sagë e vogël (A Little Saga), 1995; Daullja Prej Letre (The Paper Drum), 1996; Boshti (The Void), 1998. Mr. Mustafaj has also authored a volume of essays entitled: Fletoria Reservat: shënime jashtë valixhes diplomatike (The Preserved Notepad: Remarks Out of a Diplomatic Briefcase), 1995 and 2011. His works have been translated into English, Italian, French, German, Bulgarian, and Turkish.
Tase: You have served as the first Ambassador of post-Communist Albania in France. Can you describe some of the challenges that you had to face as head of a diplomatic post representing a country in its first years of democratic transition and pluralist government?
Mr. Besnik Mustafaj as Foreign Minister of Albania (2007)
Mustafaj: It was a multidimensional challenge. First of all, it was an extraordinary challenge for me. I was not even 34 years old. Neither in school nor in practice had I learned anything about diplomacy. During the 10 years following my university graduation, I had worked as professor of Ancient Greek and Latin literature in the public university, and at the same time I was the managing editor in the cultural section of a daily newspaper. I had never worked in government. I did not have the preparation of a diplomat nor the mentality of a government official. It is astounding and surprising to think how I accepted that great responsibility. There are perhaps two explanations that complement each other.
In particular, my young age and lack of experience did not teach me to have doubts in myself, but provided courage to the level of foolishness. I was also one of those who led the rally of protesters who were overthrowing one of the cruelest dictatorships in the world. Participation in a revolution is a unique adventure for a person. He enters a road that can lead him to victory, but there are greater chances that he will end up moving towards death. This face-to-face situation with extreme risks creates a certain euphoria that sometimes persists even after the end of the revolution. I was, apparently, under the influence of this euphoria when I made the decision to lead the Albanian mission in Paris.
This euphoria naturally vanished as soon as I wore the suit of the Ambassador. Then, I truly understood the situation I had just entered. Albania was emerging from an isolation that lasted half a century. Everything had to be built up from ground zero. Although diplomatic relations with France existed, we did not inherit a single official agreement of bilateral cooperation. It needed to be accomplished, and quick. This meant the drafting and signing between the two countries of hundreds of documents related to political, diplomatic, economical, cultural, and scientific cooperation. It was a great deal of work.
However, it did not only involve technical work. Through its long isolation, Albania, although in the heart of Europe, had remained a forgotten country. There is nothing worse for an ambassador than receiving from his counterpart questions like: Where is your country located? Hundreds of times I had to make basic geographic explanations to my counterparts: Albania is in southeast Europe, north of Greece, in front of Italy and so forth. I am referring to well-educated people who are very well-informed. But they thought of Albania as a former Soviet Republic hidden in the mountains of the Caucasus. Confidence had to be earned with such people so they would accept my country as a partner. Gaining their sympathy was crucial in order to use their power and fast track the process of signing the bilateral agreements. We had no time to waste. I must say, that besides the drafting of agreements, there was also a great deal of work to be done in “public relations.”
The embassy that I was heading did not cover France only. I was also non-resident Ambassador to Spain and Portugal, with whom we had just recently established diplomatic relations. The same tasks completed with France needed to be addressed with these two European countries, which were very important for us not only in establishing bilateral relations but also given their position as member countries of the European Council, NATO, and the European Union. In such international institutions we aspired to become members as soon as possible, Portugal’s and Spain’s support towards our membership in NATO and the European Union was crucial and very important. With these two countries we intensified our diplomatic relations through their respective embassies in Paris; however, communication with Spain and Portugal was much easier than that with France. Both of these countries had spent most of the twentieth century under dictatorships and it was natural for them to understand even better the challenges of a young democracy such as our country. After two years, in 1994, we opened an embassy in Madrid, Spain. However, I continued to be Albania’s non-resident Ambassador in Portugal until July, 1997, a time when I resigned from Foreign Service in order to become a Member of Parliament.
In order to fully answer your question, it must be added that all this work was managed with a limited budget. On my team there were only two diplomats, until a third foreign officer and a driver joined us later. Every day I would answer the phone to people who wanted to speak with the Ambassador’s secretary. They would not believe that I did not have a secretary. They became confused on the other side of the telephone when I told them with whom they were speaking and they could not find a word to excuse themselves for disturbing me. I wanted to laugh many times.
Communism left the country in very poor economic shape. To give an example: in August 1992, when I took up the position, my salary was $470 USD a month. You can imagine the salary of the rest of my team! This poverty not only affected the daily lives of the diplomats, it also brought many bothersome challenges to the functioning of the embassy itself. I will give you another example: the first French person that I received at the office of the Ambassador was the landlord of the building where our embassy was headquartered. The Albanian government did not pay the embassy’s rent for 13 months in a row and I had to negotiate with the landlord. What was I going to do when the embassy’s bank account was empty? A challenging start for such a beautiful mission, right!
But all these difficulties are not going to be faced by any other generation of Albanian diplomats, and these will remain as fascinating memories.
Tase: How would you describe bilateral relations between Albania and the United States through the last 20 years?
Mustafaj: The restoration of diplomatic relations between the Albanian Government and the United States in the beginning of 1991 was for the Albanian people an authentic return to their long lasting fondness for this country [the US], violently disavowed for 45 years.
After it ascended into power, one of the first actions of isolationism undertaken by Enver Hoxha’s Stalinist government was the one-sided brutal interruption of all relations with the United States.
The deep gratitute the Albanian nation has always nurtured towards the American people is fundamentally related to the defining role that president Woodrow Wilson and the United States played in the defense of Albania’s territorial integrity, and its independence proclamation at the end of the World War I. Our Stalinist regime was convinced that the great affection for the United States in the hearts of every Albanian was simultaneously tied to the sacred American values which refuse a reconciliation with tyranny at every cost. In order to defend his regime, our dictator broke these diplomatic ties with Western countries right at the beginning, blindly hoping that he was cutting apart forever all the ligaments that connected our two nations. But history proved that he failed. In Spring 1991, right after the first democratically-held elections, Albania was visited by US Secretary of State James Baker III, who was welcomed in Tirana’s main square by one million Albanians or one third of Albania’s population. It was an inconceivable crowd. In June 2007, our country was visited by US President George W. Bush, and his visit was indeed an extraordinary celebration by all Albanians across the country.
Therefore, in these two decades of bilateral diplomatic relations, the United States has mentored and carefully supported the Albanian people with great affection through a very difficult process of developing the rule of law, the promotion of free markets and enterprise, and the integration of NATO and the EU. Albania is a European country and its major future objective is to become a member of the European Union. On Albania’s long democratic transition, the United States has encouraged and assisted the Albanian government in implementing substantial legislative reforms that will assist its full integration into the European Union. By the same token, Washington has played an exceptional role in supporting the legitimate and decisive solution on the final status of Kosovo. To summarise, in these two decades, the United States has regained the privileged status of becoming a strategic ally not only for the Republic of Albania, but for all Albanians in the Balkans who reside in the Republic of Kosovo, and the Republics of Macedonia, Serbia, and Montenegro. In as little time as two decades, Albania’s strategic relations with the US have prospered tremendously.
Tase: What are some accomplishments of Albanian Foreign Policy during your tenure as a Foreign Affairs Minister?
Mustafaj: I was confirmed as a Foreign Minister in the first Berisha government established by the June 2005 general elections. Our great objective was to rapidly pressure ahead the integration of Albania into NATO and the EU. These two processes, vital for the future of democracy in Albania, were almost suspended by the previous administration, whose lack of reforms had further deteriorated the communication with our European and US Partners. Without getting into details, it must be emphasized that our objective was accomplished. Within a few months, in February 2006, with the presence of European Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, the Association and Stabilization Agreement of Albania and the European Union was signed in Tirana. Equally important, in April 2008, at the NATO Summit of Bucharest, Albania was invited to became a full member country of NATO. In the meantime, I had resigned as a foreign minister a few months earlier and did not have the privilege of participating in the conclusion ceremony of this process, for which I worked for a long time with great passion.
Another matter of great priority was the situation in Kosovo. In Fall 2005, the UN Security Council decided to open negotiations for the final status of Kosovo and appointed former Finnish President, Maarti Ahtisari, as the leader of the negotiating team. Albania had to play a special role in this process. I was fully immersed in it, and encouraged the Albanian leaders of Kosovo to favor the negotiations; I encouraged them to be realists in their initial requests and become truly cooperative with the international community. I was convinced that independence was inevitable and the best choice for the future of Kosovo as well as for sustained peace in the Balkans. I was one of the first to articulate that the feasible solution would be “conditioned independence.” Kosovo’s majority population would accomplish their dream – their country’s independence – but, this majority would respect the rights of Serbian minorities in the future. While agreeing to conditions, the majority of Albanians in Kosovo showed that they were ready for independence. I am delighted to know that my prediction came true in the closure of this process.
Tase: What are some of the fundamental challenges that Sali Berisha’s administration is facing with Albania’s integration in the European Union?
Mustafaj: Mr. Berisha’s government is currently facing major challenges, such as: a war against corruption; the implementation of fair competition in a free market system; transparency; developing efficient, non-political public administration personnel elected on the basis of merit; and implementing reforms to ensure an independent justice system and an effective war against organized crime. This list of recommendations is not mine, but comes from the European Commission, which is monitoring the recent developments in Albania. In its quarterly assessments, the European Commission noted a rising level of criticism of Berisha’s government for its inability to face these challenges. Indeed, I am worried by this low performance.
Tase: You spent a month in Milwaukee. What do you think of UWM’s English as a Second Language program, the city’s urban development, and its suburbs?
Mustafaj: A month in Milwaukee was a great opportunity for me to become familiar with the ESL program at UWM as well as visit the city and surrounding neighborhoods. I have repeated to many people how I enjoyed my visit and I am leaving with a desire to return again.
Of course, you expect a more detailed response. As you may know, I retired from politics in order to dedicate myself to writing and other exciting projects, which I enjoy more than politics. One of these projects is my role as Senior Adviser for International Cooperation to the President of American University in Tirana. This is a new, private university with a great ambition to become, very soon, one of the top universities in southeastern Europe. Our goal is that in the near future, the official teaching language at the American University of Tirana will be English. Therefore, we need a English language preparatory program for new students. ESL programs are suitable for such a purpose. Once I return to Albania, I will inform the president of American University of Tirana about this positive experience. I believe that it will be a window of opportunity to open such a program in Albania. I am convinced that we would gain value by implementing this program in cooperation with an American university that has extensive experience and qualified human resources. Thousands of Albanians, mainly young students, pass TOEFL examinations every year. The American University of Tirana can be established as a center of preparation for such an exam. Launching an ESL program goes beyond the needs of our university; indeed, it will benefit Albanian society as a whole.
Albanian society is young and at the beginning of its road towards developing freedom. Almost one third of Albanians are students. Our capital, Tirana, has experienced rapid growth in the last 20 years. Its number of inhabitants have quadrupled as a result of the freedom of citizens to move towards the nation’s capital; under dictatorship the right to change your residence location without a government permission was prohibited by law.
We have experienced a true revolution in terms of the urban development of Tirana and its suburbs. It is hard if not impossible to guide such a dynamic evolution in a proper direction through politics alone. It is necessary to gather the efforts of all factors of civil society that are part of this development. Schools in general and universities in particular are determining factors for urban development. In this context, faculty and staff at the American University of Tirana are aware that it should immediately reposition itself away from the traditional role of an institution headed towards the future through educating young generations that will lead our country tomorrow. Instead, we aspire for our university to become an integral part of today’s urban and cultural development in the capital and its provinces. Precisely from this point of view, we are interested to know firsthand the experience of a university such as UWM, as well as other American universities with whom we hope to establish partnershipa in fields of scientific research as well as to intertwine lectures focused on the challenges currently confronted by Tirana.
This would be an immense help in accelerating the modernization of our country, but I also believe that it would be fruitful for partnering universities here in the United States. American students would have a new experience and also share their experience with a generation of young Albanians, opening a window to their interest to study in the United States. As a former diplomat, I would add that it is in the long-term strategy of the United States to support the formation of new elites in partner countries as a way of fostering and establishing strong ties of pro-American friendship in the world.
Tase: What can the Albanian Government learn from the US administration to improve its domestic policy?
Mustafaj: Your question reminds me again of the recommendations of the European Union to the Albanian govenment. The United States and European Union member countries depend on the same values. Therefore, the Albanian government, in order to improve its domestic policy, can refer to the long history of US governments that established reforms to guarantee the rule of law, and drafted vital legislative reforms for improving the lives of all citizens.
The article Interview With Besnik Mustafaj, Former Foreign Minister Of Albania appeared first on Eurasia Review.