By VOR

Protesters led by former opposition politician Suthep Thaugsuban started blocking major intersections late on Sunday, aiming to create traffic chaos in a city of an estimated 12 million people where roads are clogged at the best of times.

The upheaval is the latest chapter in an eight-year conflict pitting Bangkok’s middle class and royalist establishment against the mostly poorer, rural supporters of Yingluck and her self-exiled brother, former premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

Thaksin was ousted by the military in 2006 and sentenced to jail in absentia for abuse of power in 2008, but he still looms large over Thai politics and is the dominant force behind his sister’s administration from his home inDubai.

Eight people, including two police officers, have been killed and scores wounded in violence between protesters, police and government supporters in recent weeks, although there has been no sustained fighting between rival groups.

Red-shirted supporters of Thaksin started rallies in several regions on Sunday but steered clear of Bangkok.

One person was killed in a shooting overnight near a planned protest site in northern Bangkok. “An unidentified gunman shot a man near a roadblock set up by anti-government protesters. It is unclear at this point if the man was a protester or not,” police spokesman Piya Utayo said.

Yingluck has called a snap election for Feb. 2, which protest leader Suthep has rejected.

“The people cannot negotiate … there is no win-win situation, there is only win,” he said in a speech to demonstrators at Bangkok’s Democracy Monument on Sunday.

Earlier, however, he said he would stand down his movement if, as some fear, violence escalates into a civil war. “If it becomes a civil war, I will give up. People’s life is precious for me,” he said, according to the Sunday Nation newspaper.

Suthep’s stated goal is to eradicate the influence of the Shinawatra family on Thai politics.

“Suthep is only a proxy for arch-royalist interests. His role has always been to bring out crowds to create popular legitimacy which might facilitate any judicial or military intervention,” said Paul Chambers, director of research at the Institute of South East Asian Affairs in Chiang Mai.

Last week, Thailand’s anti-corruption body pressed charges against 308 politicians, mostly from Yingluck’s Puea Thai Party, for trying to change the constitution by making the Senate a fully elected body.

The article Thailand: Protesters Seek To Shut Down Bangkok To Force PM Resignation appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By IPCS

By Ranjit Gupta

Though the spotlight on West Asia is understandably focused currently on the unquestionably exciting prospect of a welcome and desirable reconciliation between the United States and Iran, which is more than likely to happen, contemporary ground realities and trends in large sections of the Arab World increasingly suggest that Islamic extremism, personified by Al Qaeda and its affiliates in West Asia, is potentially an even greater destabilizing factor than the standoff vis-à-vis Iran had been.

Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Though four dictators were overthrown as a result of the revolutionary turmoil in the Arab World, except in tiny Tunisia which is the only success story, the current situation in Egypt, Libya and Yemen is far more unstable than when the dictators were ruling. In Libya a large number of armed militias have carved out fiefdoms which they control, with the central government becoming a nominal entity with its writ being virtually non-existent in vast swathes of the country. Libya is a Somalia in the making.

The Muslim Brotherhood has been Egypt’s and the Arab world’s preeminent Islamic entity known for its outstanding social and welfare services to the poor and rural populations in particular. It was elected to form the government which, after only one year in power, was overthrown by the army, albeit demanded by a very large number of protestors against ‘Islamic’ rule. Since then, every week dozens of its supporters and many Egyptian army and police personnel have been killed in clashes between them.

The Brotherhood has been banned once again – dubbed a terrorist organization; this does not augur well for the prospects of political Islam which is natural and fundamental to the success of democracy in the overwhelmingly Muslim Arab countries. It is very likely that Gen. Sisi, the present Army Chief and architect of the hard line against the Brotherhood, is elected the next President. All this will encourage support for extremist groups as the only alternative to dictatorial and Army rule.

Iraq and Syria

Syria is engulfed by a particularly devastating and destructive civil war. More than 120,000 people have been killed. Almost four million Syrians are refugees in neighboring countries and five million have been internally displaced. The dismantling of the Saddam regime led to the border between Syria and Iraq becoming porous; in the last year it has become nonexistent for all practical purposes – huge spaces between Baghdad and Damascus are controlled by many different groups of Islamist fighters of various hues, preeminent among them being the Iraq based Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), an Al Qaeda outfit.

Amongst Islamist groups fighting the Assad regime the ISIL is the best armed and most effective. Some weeks ago it had established control over most of Aleppo which is Syria’s largest city and in the process routed not only government forces but also of other rebel groups, and of the Western and Gulf countries’ backed Syrian National Coalition and Syrian National Army. The ISIL consists only of foreigners, mainly Iraqis, and its brutality and single minded commitment to the establishment of an Islamic Emirate has now caused other rebel groups, in particular the recently formed Islamic Front, and the Syrian affiliate of the Al-Qaeda, the Al Nusra Front, to treat the ISIL as the major enemy rather than the Assad regime. It is ironical that after so much bloodshed Assad is likely to remain in power, but of an anarchic and shattered Syria. Iraq is rapidly slipping back into the anarchy that prevailed during 2005 to 2008.

After the Arab Spring: Is the Situation better or worse today?

Politics within all these countries is increasingly determined by the gun. Thus, the singularly inappropriately termed ‘Arab Spring’, hailed as the belated ‘Enlightenment Moment’ for the Arab World, has left it in a far worse situation than before. Islam in the Arab World and West Asia is at war with itself – between moderates and extremists; between Shias and Sunnis; between pro-West Muslim countries (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE) and anti-West Muslim countries (Iran, Syria, Lebanon).

Today, several countries of the Arab world have become a blood soaked cauldron of bigotry and hate torn by sectarian violence. If this fratricidal conflict continues significant portions of Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen could become like the Afghanistan of the 1980s and early 1990s – a safe-haven and breeding ground for terrorists.

Should South Asia, especially India be worried?

Though the Arab countries themselves are the worst affected, adverse consequences for the United States, Europe and the Indian subcontinent in particular, would also be very much on the cards. This is particularly so in the context of rising uncertainties as to what could happen in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of US troops. Pakistan has become a dangerous hotbed of extremism also. India needs to be particularly wary.

The world needs to proactively address the current mayhem in West Asia with a sense of urgency. The imperative need of the hour is that the United Nations takes the initiative to convene a conference of concerned countries and major powers to take on extremism in the Arab World and West Asia, including confronting the Al Qaeda outfits headlong, militarily if need be.

Ranjit Gupta
Distinguished Fellow, IPCS and Former Indian Ambassador to Yemen and Oman

The article The Arab World: Trying Times Ahead – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By IPCS

By Chintamani Mahapatra

Several incidents in the past made Indo-US relationship bitter, but the Devyani Khobragade episode taking place in the backdrop of a strong strategic cooperation between the two countries has terribly hurt the Indian government and the people alike. The diplomatic discord between India and the US over the indictment, arrest, strip and cavity search of Deputy Consul General of Indian Consulate in New York has cast a long shadow over the bourgeoning strategic partnership between the two countries.

Both New Delhi and Washington officials in charge of their diplomatic affairs swore by the need to preserve and promote strategic cooperation and not allow any single incident to adversely affect the relationship in the midst of the diplomatic row.

However, such pledges only exemplify the fear that this episode has cast a long shadow and will take a slow and long process to be finally erased. Promoters and stakeholders in Indo-US friendship question as to why such an incident at all took place and why it took so long to partially resolve this issue, that too, in a distasteful manner. Khobragade was asked to leave the United States and not return unless to face the charges in the American court and Wayne May, a US diplomat accused of colluding in the clandestine evacuation of Indian citizens (family members of Sangeeta Richard, the alleged victim in the case) was asked to leave the country by the Indian government within forty-eight hours. Indian external affairs ministry felt that the US could have avoided this “mini crisis” and the US State Department regretted that Wayne May was asked to leave the country by India.

While the two governments have expressed desire to get back to business, it is doubtful if it is going to be business as usual. Certain wounds hardly heal and keep resurfacing periodically to prevent robust growth of mutual trust even after considerable investment of political and diplomatic capital. How long did it take for India to manage its psychological hurt over Washington dispatching USS Enterprise to the Bay of Bengal during the 1971 War? Not until President George Bush signed a civil nuclear cooperation agreement with India that strategic community in India could address the issue of US nuclear threat to India. Nor have Indians forgotten the Bhopal Gas tragedy that directly shaped the debate in the Indian parliament over the nuclear liability bill.

The issues of American disregard for India’s sovereignty, as reflected in clandestine evacuation of the Richard family members, American disrespect for the Indian judicial system, as indicated by overlooking Delhi High Court’s injunction against Sangeeta Richard, the US State Department’s unwillingness to share the information about impending arrest of Devyani with visiting foreign secretary of India raising questions over mutual trust and the pungent ending of one phase of the diplomatic discord with expulsion of each other’s foreign service officers will almost certainly hunt future diplomatic interactions.

Early indications of the impact of this episode can be found in postponement of visits to India by the new Assistant Secretary of State Nisha Desai Biswal and US Energy Secretary Ernest Moniz. These two officials were, of course, aware of the treatment got by a visiting Congressional delegation who could not meet the Speaker of the Lok Sabha, National Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon and other high officials in India.

Practitioners of diplomacy will no doubt avoid opening the history book and rather seek to move ahead with the relationship. Both the State Department and the Indian Ministry of External Affairs may try hard to put in place a series of “damage limitation” exercises and new initiatives may be launched to prove that the “strategic partnership” is alive and kicking.

But none of these efforts may take off the ground until after a likable solution to the Devyani episode is found. In addition, the current diplomatic spat is only the latest in a series of recent developments that signal numerous glitches in the Indo-US strategic partnership. Bilateral differences over climate and trade issues; American disappointment over the slow pace of implementation of the civil nuclear cooperation agreement, Indian displeasure over the pending Immigration Bill in the US Congress, American frustration over slow pace of Indian economic reforms, particularly foreign investment in the retail sector; Indian discontent over the Obama administration’s over-emphasis on curtailing outsourcing are some such hitches among many.

However, the real challenge of diplomacy is removing all kinds of hurdles and facilitating cooperation for mutual prosperity and national security. Besides, the regional security challenges in the wake of the US decision to end military operations in Afghanistan, the Chinese decision to open a new chapter in their concept of “peaceful rise” and adopt a muscular approach to territorial and maritime disputes should alert New Delhi and Washington not to miss the broad picture, while resolving bilateral differences.

Chintamani Mahapatra
Professor, School of International Studies, JNU

The article Indo-US Strategic Partnership Oost Khobragade: The Long Shadow – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By VOA

A magnitude-6.5 earthquake off the coast of Puerto Rico has shaken the U.S. territory’s northern coast.

The U.S. Geological Survey said the quake hit early Monday, 96 kilometers northwest of San Juan, Puerto Rico, at a depth of 28 kilometers below the seabed.

There were no immediate reports of damage.

Sunday marked the fourth anniversary of the devastating magnitude-7.0 earthquake in nearby Haiti. That quake killed more than 200,000 people and left 1.5 million homeless.

The article Strong Quake Hits North Of Puerto Rico appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By RT

Over 300,000 West Virginia residents have spent a fifth day without tap water. Despite the governor of the state saying that a cleanup is underway and the situation is “encouraging”, it’s still uncertain when people will be able to open their taps.

The accident took place on Thursday at a facility in Charleston, the state capital, run by Freedom Industries. 4-Methylcyclohexane Methanol, a hazardous chemical used in the process of coal washing, leaked out of a 40,000-gallon (151,000 liters) tank along the Elk River. A state of emergency was immediately announced in nine of West Virginia’s counties.

“Our team has been diligently testing samples from throughout the affected area, and the numbers look good,” said Earl Ray Tomblin, the governor of West Virginia.

However, neither governor nor state officials specified when exactly the drinking water ban might be lifted and when people will be able to use tap water again. They [governor and officials] only spoke about the creation of a website where residents can check the progress in water samples and when the restriction is lifted in their area.

Many restaurants, hotels and shops started reopening in different parts of West Virginia. The restaurant owners have to buy scores of bottles of water in order to reopen their businesses.

A dozen restaurants were allowed to reopen in Charleston on Sunday afternoon by the Kanawha-Charleston health department as they assured the officials they have a source of drinkable water, reports Reuters.

Meanwhile, all schools and several businesses in four West Virginia counties remain closed for an indefinite term.

West Virginia officials wouldn’t comment on the economic cost of the spill.

A team dispatched by the US Chemical Safety Board is expected to arrive in West Virginia on Monday to investigate what led to a leak of such proportions.

Numerous water tests have already been made in the region. Testing near the water treatment facility has consistently been below one part per million for 24 hours, a key requirement officials need before they can lift the ban, said Maj. Gen. James Hoyer, of the West Virginia National Guard. Some other tests also showed the absence of the chemical in water coming in and out of the factory.

However, local residents complain about the problems connected with health and personal hygiene since the leak happened. They were even told not to wash their clothes in affected water, as the compound can cause symptoms ranging from skin irritation to vomiting.

“Some 1,045 people have called the West Virginia Poison Center since the spill to say they or someone in their household had been exposed,” said Karen Bowling, Cabinet Secretary of the West Virginia Department of Health and Human Resources, reports Reuters.

Over 70 people had visited emergency rooms with symptoms of nausea, vomiting, dizziness, diarrhea, rashes and reddened skin, she added.

According to Jeff McIntyre, president of West Virginia Water they “will lift the water bans by zone,” but again he didn’t say how soon it would be.

Local lawmakers are now trying to find out how the leak happened. But the problem isn’t new. The chemicals in these tanks are not considered hazardous enough to require environmental permits.

“Freedom Industries wasn’t under state oversight at all; we don’t have the regulatory authority to inspect those tanks” said Michael Dorsey, chief of the state Department of Environmental Protection’s Homeland Security and Emergency Response office.

However, there’s already talk about demanding the regulatory authority to inspect tanks, commented Randy Huffman, the Department of Environmental Protection’s secretary.

There were also signs that Freedom Industries have not responded appropriately to the officials’ announcement. The state law requires immediate reporting on the situation. But state environmental workers were on the spill site at 11:15 am on Thursday because of a call from the water company – not Freedom Industries, said Huffman.

Freedom Industries removed the remaining chemical from the site, said company president, Gary Southern, during a brief news conference, adding the company “has mitigated the risk.”

Meanwhile, the accident is not considered as “a coal company incident,” as this was “a chemical company incident,” stresses Tomblin.

“It just so happens that the chemical has some applications to the coal industry, just that fact alone shouldn’t cause people to point fingers at the coal industry,” said Jason Bostic, vice president of the West Virginia Coal Association.

West Virginia, the second-largest coal producing state after Wyoming and location of many chemical plants, has seen many accidents that killed dozens of workers in both industries and harmed the environment.

The article West Virginia Chemical Tests Improve But Water Still Undrinkable appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By RSIS

China announced the restructuring of its maritime law enforcement agencies more than half a year ago, but progress has been slow and the real change could take years to realise.

By Zou Wentao

IN THE past few years, China’s maritime law enforcement vessels attracted media attention for playing a leading role in “protecting its legitimate maritime rights and interests”. Recently, however, these vessels have been getting less international attention, due partly to changes in China’s maritime security policy. It is also due to the fact that China’s maritime law enforcement agencies are undergoing restructuring. The progress of this restructuring, however, has been slow.

It is also due to the fact that China’s maritime law enforcement agencies are undergoing restructuring. The progress of this restructuring, however, has been slow.

Changing structure, but limited progress

Following Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Reform and Opening-up’ policy in 1978, China’s maritime administration has been decentralised to support economic development and ocean protection. This decentralised system comprised a number of ministries having to do with land, agriculture, transportation, public security, and oceanic administration. According to the 2012 China Ocean Development Report, there are more than 17 governmental agencies handling the different dimensions of marine affairs management.

Although such a management method appears to have laws and rules to follow, in effect, there is an absence of a centralised management. This weakness, marked by the lack of good communication and cooperation mechanisms, has created problems.

In 1984, the State Council envisaged using the centralised leadership system to manage China’s marine industry. However, this system was accepted only in March last year. According to the new plan, various maritime law enforcement forces, hitherto scattered throughout different ministries and departments, would be merged to form a single new institution – the China Coast Guard (CCG).

Lack of coordination

There has, however, been very litte information about the progress of this government institutional reform. China appeared to have blacked out further information on the reform following the publication of a news report by a Japanese news agency about newly-unified CCG vessels departing a naval port in Xiamen for the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands to conduct surveillance.

Beijing in fact classified the report as a “threatened national security”. Since then, local authorities were required to tighten security on these ports and vessels and everything about maritime law enforcement seemed to have become confidential.

In reality, besides the change in uniform and colour of the surveillance vessels, there has been very little substantive progress in the restructuring process. A few factors could account for the slow progress. Firstly, there is an absence of a well-developed and effective system for rights protection. In the Chinese context, marine surveillance law enforcement is divided into two parts. The first is administrative enforcement which employs laws intended to manage the use of the sea, such as the protection of the marine environment and island protection.

The second part is the enforcement of rights largely based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and China’s 1996 Regulations on the Management of Foreign-related Marine Scientific Research. Rights enforcement aims to acquire the target’s deployment activities, followed by carrying out general inquiries and declaring sovereignty or sovereign rights.

Currently, China’s rights enforcement regulations, usually against foreign targets, are relatively under-developed. There are no detailed regulations for rights enforcement. The different agencies also had their own guidelines to follow. With all the different maritime-related units coming together now, it has become critical to develop more concrete and unified regulations for rights enforcement operations.

Dual leadership

Moreover, China’s law enforcement officers are aware of the lack of effective coordination which is needed to mobilise other agencies. Coordination is needed to increase the response options to maritime challenges: legal means, diplomacy, negotiation, and when necessary, the use of force to drive away foreign vessels in waters claimed by China.

Secondly, maritime surveillance personnel have mentioned the difficulties of coordination and collaboration among new colleagues who come from different backgrounds. Further complicating their coordination is the lack of training on their respective roles, resulting in some agencies adhering to old practices. For example, when a CCG vessel sets out to patrol the waters near the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, officers from the old Marine Surveillance, the old Marine Police Force, and the Fishery Administration would all come on board, wearing vests with “China Coast Guard” prints. As a result, officers of the old Marine Surveillance would complain of increased workload and work stress from working with new colleagues.

Thirdly, the agencies deprived of law enforcement roles are reluctant to render full support for the restructuring plan. China’s unique administrative pecking order further hampers the restructuring process. For instance, Liu Cigui, Director and Party Secretary of the State Oceanic Administration (SOA), is a vice-ministerial level official under the supervision of the Ministry of Land and Resources. At the same time, Liu holds the position of political commissar of the newly-merged China Coast Guard. Meng Hongwei is the deputy director of the SOA and concurrently the director of the China Coast Guard. But Meng is also a vice minister at the Ministry of Public Security who enjoys full ministerial rank because of his experience and seniority.

The China Coast Guard is supposed to be under the administrative supervision of the SOA and at the same time comes under the Ministry of Public Security for actual law enforcement operations. Obviously, this dual-leadership of the CCG makes the restructuring process a cumbersome one.

Zou Wentao is a Research Analyst with the China Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University.

The article Restructuring China’s Maritime Security: Lofty Ambition, Little Progress – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Civil.Ge

(Civil.Ge) — Additional criminal charges have been filed against former defense minister and ex-head of prison system Bacho Akhalaia, who is in pre-trial detention since November 2012.

New charges of torture and exceeding official powers involve allegations that Akhalaia, as prosecutor’s office said, “mercilessly beaten” six prisoners in January, 2006 when Akhalaia served as head of the penitentiary system.

A statement released on behalf of Akhalaia on January 13 denies new charges as “fabricated”, which, it says, aim at further extending Akhalaia’s pre-trial detention.

Since he was arrested in November, 2012 Akhalaia stood in three separate trials; in two of them he was acquitted on charges of exceeding official powers, illegal confinement and torture in four separate cases. But in late October, 2013 he was found guilty in a trial over inhuman treatment of inmates in 2006 when he served as prison system chief; he was sentenced to 3 years and 9 months in jail; but then President Saakashvili pardoned him. Despite of presidential pardon, Akhalaia still remains in detention as he still faces power abuse charges in case related to his tenure as prison system chief in which he is in pre-trial detention pending trial.

The article Georgia: New Charges Filed Against Akhalaia appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Eurasia Review

President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta’s current legitimacy and a strong international presence gives Mali a unique opportunity to engage in serious reforms and inclusive dialogue. However, the window for change is narrow and dangerous political habits are resurfacing.
Mali

In its latest report, Mali: Reform or Relapse, the International Crisis Group examines the situation in Mali a year after the beginning of the French intervention. Following France’s “Opération Serval” and the election of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, territorial integrity and constitutional order are now restored. However, the north remains a hotbed of persistent intercommunal tensions and localised violence that could jeopardise efforts made so far to stabilise the country. It is time for the government to act beyond wishful thinking, avoid repeating past, unfulfilled promises of change, implement meaningful governance reforms and launch a truly inclusive dialogue on the future of Mali.

The focus on the north should not overshadow the need to lay better foundations for the state as a whole. It is important not to miss the unique opportunity of implementing an ambitious reform on governance and economic development, supported by a well-coordinated international response.

While the June 2013 preliminary Ouagadougou agreement process is stalled, the government is rekindling clientelist links with Tuareg and Arab leaders. This policy is likely to bring short-term stability at the expense of long-term cohesion and inclusiveness, vital for peace and development in the troubled north.

All parties must respect the provisions of the Ouagadougou agreement. The government must show more flexibility and understand that the process of national conferences is not an alternative to truly inclusive talks with all communities, including the armed groups. The latter must accept disarmament and the full return of the Malian administration in Kidal, as well as clarify their political claims.

The UN Security Council and troop-contributing countries should increase without delay the human and logistic resources, especially airborne capacity, of the UN Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). The mission should strengthen its presence and activities to support restoration of state authority in the north fully to fulfil its responsibility to protect civilians, while preserving the neutrality necessary to facilitate negotiations .

“Expectations for President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta run very high”, says Jean-Hervé Jezequel, West Africa Senior Analyst. “It is time for his government to act rather than simply engage in wishful thinking. An easy mistake would be to maintain, in the short term, the current clientelist system that brought former regimes to a standstill”.

“The country’s new leadership and international partners agree that meaningful reforms are required to break with the past”, says Rinaldo Depagne, West Africa Project Director. “Many believe, however, that these reforms are too early, too soon for a state still reeling from the crisis. But it is important not to miss the opportunity of implementing an ambitious reform on governance; at the very least, bad habits of the past should not resurface”.

The article Mali: Reform Or Relapse appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Adfar Shah

There is a dire need to understand the theoretical significance of (Indian) Kashmir as a social reality, as a conflict prototype, as a conscious society, as a vulnerable zone, as a social collective of sensitive human beings and as a prolonged conflict hit region.

An idealized image for Kashmir assuming the people (particularly the Muslims) there as less informed, less intellectual, less conscious, more violent, terrorist aides, chaos loving and so on and so forth is still in the minds of many analysts and agencies who are conceptualizing Kashmir through different prisms. Similarly an idealized image for India, (for majority community) viewing the whole nation as oppressive, undemocratic and tyrant has spoiled a plethora of minds of Kashmir that needs a serious perception management for the social reality of torture and scars of mishandlings have led to a cocoon mentality and vision of hatred. This indicates that gap between the Kashmiri and the outsider is widening instead of getting abridged despite many efforts/initiatives of peace building (reveals the ground level observation). Further amid the range of self fulfilling prophecies and theory building by leaders of diverse groups and myriad of conflicting perspectives by pseudo K-Experts, it has been forgotten that resolving Kashmir or making a difference in the valley does not merely mean the redressing of the state’s economic disruptions or political waywardness but purely repairing the damaged social tissue (that almost lies untouched). Such a project (Kashmir in conflict) has now remained less political but more social, thereby inviting the attention of rehabilitation work, social planning or social engineering. The dominant clusters thus far have though propagated their dominant narratives and to succeed have created specific labels and stereotypes even for the poor victims (not to talk of dissenting/sensitive youth) and with their frivolous arm chair ideologies have been trying to justify their unjust diktats and power laws however masses know it all (yeh jo public hai-yeh sab janti hai). They even oppress by impoverishing the masses of their economic, social and psychological capital (by their slogans for vested interests). On the contrary, strategists claim that ‘work is in progress’, however, I say that ‘just work’ but no progress.

Kashmir has currently become the world’s laboratory for (experiments) theory building where policy makers, power elite, social scientists and analysts have continued bombardment with their ideologies but the fact remains that except the assumed progress, the tangible progress and increased magnititude of trust and faith in the system is still not satisfactory. Even they refute the ideas/narratives of the locals who have literally lived the conflict (white man’s burden) and that is why, the fact remains that even a lay man today will not fail to notice to see the limitations in the current understanding of Kashmir by outsiders, security apparatus, NGO’s, ideological state apparatus, etc, for there are still a plethora of inadequacies in the existing socio-political atmosphere, institutional forms, socio-legal practices, locating the real violence and putting that in a proper perspective, etc,. The decline in quality strategies on peace building in Kashmir with scores of dysfunctional deviations and paradoxes have more excited rather bemused the masses, who feel lost in the whole conflict and conflict resolution game. Kashmir as of now gives an open platform to refine the existing theories of terror, security actions, positive interventions like giving boost to educational infrastructure, tackling insurgency and conflict within, but that needs a strong political will that is still not much visible. Therefore, there is a dire need to build a new knowledge on Kashmir and ‘thinking Kashmir seriously’ must become a priority theme at all the levels of research on Kashmir both in and outside the valley so that something worth comes out to work upon to make a tangible difference. There must be a nationwide provoking for an economically sound Kashmir, there must be a common slogan of zero tolerance on HR abuses by one and all, there must be a stress on good governance, love for justice, a new vision for justice, and a patch work for peace, there must be much commonality in the thoughts and goals of common masses and police or armed forces, etc,. It all could have happened but somewhere we have missed the beat. Though so much of the water has flown under the bridge (of strategy) but a uniform way of countering the peace deficit is yet to be explored.

Kashmir does not need too much of the work to be done on peace front but less work that can penetrate too deep (reaching out to peripherals) and casts a positive effect. People of the power have to be clear about what do they mean by Kashmir, peace for Kashmir, justice for Kashmir and how do they define the actions for peace by armed forces, statecraft, civil society, youth, women and others. Justice does not merely mean legal based actions but how to decrease the graph between the victim and the justice, needs a new thinking, a serious thinking indeed, that is still lacking. When it is Kashmir, there must be a separate and unique justice manifesto developed by all the significant stake holders be that police, army, local government, media with a distinct vision of justice. Centre, state and armed forces need to ensure the delivery of justice in all the circumstances (like the recent decision of court martial’s against erring army men). There has to be a basic foot work for accomplishing the ‘visual component of peace’ and for that we need to go beyond the regular slogans, beyond the political aspect of the issue, ahead of our tried and tested methods and back to the drawing board because we have to bear in mind that Kashmir is not just an event happening out there but a tragedy, a collective suffering and a political tsunami.

After all the drawing room conversations, TV shows, hundreds of round tables and mere interlocutions, we have still not reached an understanding on Kashmir. We are yet to know about how to define youth and how to define the power of youth there in the valley. They (power elite) even say that a storm of peace is coming but practically a few waves flow sometimes and subside and there remains nothing but a blank noise.

Kashmir can be amply linked with the current social churning undergoing in the country especially in the national capital (rise of AAP). If we aspire change, we have to embrace bigger and risky actions or experiments (even referendum can be an option to measure our success). Because better than the analysts common masses have best theorized the economic, social, and political vulnerabilities well before the time.

As Kashmiris’ we need to have a more clear perception of our socio-political landscape for we are highly sensitive on social, cultural, religious and historical matters. We also need to have a more pluralistic vision when solving our core social, political and other sensitive issues and our solving tactics must not be based upon maintaining the age old hegemony but based on egalitarian principles, so that the equally important sections (Pandits, Gujjars, Pahadi’s, Ladakhi’s, Jammuties, other ethnic groups) do not feel excluded. We have to know our cut parts better, understand their woes, feel their pain and for that make a healthy and friendly reconnect with the Kashmir diasporas thereby understanding the migration issues, return possibilities and for that a sustained interaction is the key. We also need the preservation of our rich cultural heritage and rich historical legacies connecting us with our rich past so that we can find peace via non-violent measures. But today we know more emotions and less rational arguments. We follow violence schools rather than brainstorming about peaceful ways of achieving our collective and practical objectives.

Who can make the difference in building a new Kashmir? Obviously, activists, sane voices, NGO’s, business leaders, journalists, researchers and scholars and above all the general public but that needs a ground work. Also establishing a culture of debates and discussions has to be promoted so that we can express our voices freely and set our goals for a collective peace building. We have to stress upon the need for balancing of economic, social, environmental priorities and for that we need a relentless engagement with various groups including youth to actualize a functional transformation to rebuttal the rhetoric and rumour mills (not confrontation on the issues of development like making amaranth yatra pilgrim friendly). The refusal of Kashmiri’s of being labeled as terrorists, suspects, etc, highlights their acute awareness of the politics of labeling and the very branding becomes the factor of resisting the state craft and their imposed policies and actions, which needs an immediate rethink (branding has to go). This criterion of Kashmir’s (with all labeling, suffering, torture, social exclusion, governance problems) belonging to India needs a rethink in case we are serious on strategy front. There has to be an ABC (active, beautiful and clean Kashmir) approach for integrating Kashmir to peace, love, safety, harmony and brotherhood.

Last Word

Time has come when Kashmir should enrich itself intellectually so that we are able to develop our own social theorizing, methodologies to deal with our social woes and injustice, and building concepts that reflect our total social matrix. Time has come to fight a book with a book, argument with a counter argument and rhetoric with reality. Thus fight for justice and peace building can become a revolution rather a counter revolution against the evil mongers. As writers, when we write on Kashmir, the aim must not be just to inform but transform and to develop a reflective critical consciousness. We need to see things in inclusivity and use of a wide variety of methodological approaches aimed at people’s understanding. There has to be a serious effort to investigate the questions at the centre of the common man’s life (centralising the mass issues and decentralizing the power).Meaning and feeling of being an oppressed and dumbfounded Kashmiri can only be realized by understanding Kashmir from a common man’s perspective that can be collected by interacting the common man only (not K-Experts exclusively, Who is meeting a university teacher or a post man in Kashmir to have his view?). The relevance of Kashmiriyat as a discourse in conflict resolution has to be located properly and correctly as it has been badly manipulated and exploited mostly in the political cadres. There has to be efforts to understand a Kashmiri who is non-traditional, up to date, sensitive to happenings around, progressive, peace loving but scared. For Kashmir understanding we need to go for the Kashmiri version analysis and that can be achieved through a complex field study, investigating about the traditional aspects and changes and not by our own biases, arrogance, intellectual grin, illusion of experience in Kashmir, etc,. Further understanding the social tensions within, institutions and political structures and the new great game will help to locate the various issues and challenges that are beset to us in Kashmir. There is certainly not one obstacle that can be easily removed or resolved and that is why there needs to be a continuous dialogue between the security apparatus, civil society and the common people. The political and military leaders have to understand the new situations and embrace the new policy shifts and security mindset to enhance the peace efforts and thus become a party in the peace building process without much ado and mere philosophizing the simpler issues. Also there must be an end to the culture of creating a security dilemma in Kashmir as time has come when we should say good bye to AFSPA for the sake of spreading goodwill in Kashmir. We have to believe in our positivity and inner power without caring much about the small numbers or chaos lovers. Goodwill will prevail even if lots of negative energy will be around. It needs peace keepers and a sincere heart, says my mentor

Rahim Das beautifully says,

‘Jo Rahim Uttam Prakrti Kaa Karsakt Kusang
Chandan Vish Vyapatt Nahi Lipte Rahatt Bujang’

[A thousand snakes may be coiled around the sandalwood tree but the fragrance of the sandalwood remain as sweet as ever. Similarly, people who have a strong character remain unaffected by bad company]

Adfar Shah is a New Delhi based (Kashmiri) Sociologist. Besides Eurasia Review, he writes as a guest columnist at various reputed international media grous.Views expressed are personal. Mail at adfer.syed@gmail.com).

The article Sensing Kashmir Seriously – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By MISNA

Egypt’s army chief, General Abdel Fattah al Sisi declared that he will run in the next presidential election to be held within the year. According to the pro-government Al Ahram newspaper, al Sissi however stressed that “if I nominate myself, there must be a popular demand, and a mandate from my army”.

The declaration comes a day ahead of a referendum on the new Constitution, the first in a series of polls the military-installed transition government says will restore elected rule.

Tomorrow and Wednesday Egyptians will be called to the polls to vote a new Constitution that now has no religious references, instead inserted during the administration of the ousted president Mohammed Morsi, and essentially leaves powers in the hands of the Head of State and the army remains a pillar of the political system.

The now outlawed Muslim Brotherhood has called on Egyptians to boycott the vote. Tension is high in Cairo, where police used tear gas against crowds of students demonstrating in support of Morsi. The clashes took place in at the universities of Al Azhar and Ain Shams, where 19 students, including four females, were arrested.

The article Egypt: Tension Ahead Of Referendum, Al Sisi To Run For Office appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By SAAG

By Bhaskar Roy

Prime Minister Sk. Hasina was very well aware that the BNP led opposition had constructed a well rehearsed strategy to demean her and her party, the Awami League (AL) one way or the other

If the January 5 polls to the 10th Jatiyo Sansad (Parliament) was postponed under opposition pressure, the government would have conceded moral, political and legal ground. It would be a loser even before polling. If the January 5 election date was adhered to, the opposition would boycott the same and the election would be one sided and projected as a farce. This is what exactly happened. Out of 300 seats, 153 were won uncontested. After the polls the Awami League won 232 seats, a two-third majority. The fractured Jatiyo Party led by Ms. Roushan Ershad won 32 seats. Polling was less than the curtailed expectation not only because of opposition boycott, but also for fear of violence. It was the bloodiest elections, with 24 killed on polling day. And over 500 died since January of last year due to opposition violence.

It is not that the ruling party supporters did not engage in violence. As a last resort, to counter the opposition’s mindless attacks and arson, even Sk. Hasina urged supporters to come out and defend their turf. Admirably, Bangladesh’s mainstream media generally took a neutral position. Neither Khaleda Zia nor Sk. Hasina were spared.

The government stuck to January 5 as the date for polling for pertinent reasons. According to the constitution, elections had to held by January 24. The Election Commission (EC), a statutory body had set January 5 as the date. Huge preparations are required to conduct elections, including arranging for security. Even then, around one hundred polling stations were burnt by BNP-JEI cadres and workers.

Apart from the demand for a caretaker government, Begum Khaleda Zia demanded the polling date to be postponed. This was no compromise, no bargain, and was not acceptable to the Awami League as it would disturb the established constitutional and legal process.

Sk. Hasina and her government offered a compromise inviting opposition leaders to take up positions as ministers in the government, enabling a direct role in the election process and ensuring that no vote rigging was done. That, also, was not acceptable to Khaleda Zia. Sk. Hasina finally invited Khaleda for discussions to resolve the impasse. Even this was rejected by Begum Zia. A record of the entire conversation between Sk. Hasina and Begum Zia was published in the Bangladeshi print media. The churlishness of Begum Zia came out quite clearly.

A close study of the process suggests that the aim of Khaleda Zia and the opposition was to show up Sk. Hasina as a loser, politically weak, and Khaleda Zia as the winner and only leader. This was a very unfortunate strategy, and the BNP is still banking on that.

In terms of nationalist political pedigree Sk. Hasina’s far supersedes Khaleda Zia’s. Sk. Hasina’s father, Bangabandhu Sk. Mujibur Rahman led the independence movement form the front. Had Pakistan’s surrender on December 16, 1971 been delayed by a couple of days, Sk. Mujib, who was in a Pakistani jail death row for treason, would have been executed.

Begum Khaleda Zia’s late husband, Zia-ur-Rehman, who was a Major in the Pak army in 1971 but fought in the liberation war against the Pak army, has a questionable history. His role in the August 15, 1975 coup by a group of Bangladeshi army officers demands deeper research. The coup executers assassinated Sk. Mujibur Rahman and his entire family, including his youngest child Russel, who was just 10 years old. Sk. Hasina and her younger sister Sk. Rehana, survived as they were abroad.

Major Zia rose in the ranks thanks to Sk. Mujib, who was in many ways a simple and trusting man. According to people close to the hierarchy at that time, Zia told Sk. Mujib that as long as he (Zia) was alive no one could harm a single hair of his (Mujib’s). Through extra-judicial killings and coups Zia became the army chief and president of Bangladesh, and floated the BNP in 1978. He also legitimised the JEI which was banned soon after liberation for their anti-Bangladesh collaboration with the Pakistan army in 1971. Zia also tried to usurp Sk. Mujib’s legacy as the declarer of “independence” thus claiming for himself the title of the “liberator”.

Zia, as president, was assassinated in turn by another army officer, Maj. Gen. Manzoor, GOC 24 Inf. Division, Chittagong, in 1981. Manzoor and Zia began to clash frequently at meetings over the direction the country was taking. Manzoor strongly felt that Zia was reversing the pledge and aspirations of the liberation war for which the country had paid so dearly. He was strongly against the legitimization of the JEI and its students’ front, the Islamic Chaatra Sangho (later Shibir) the pro-Pak militia, who were responsible for the rape and killing of thousands of Bengali women and the massacre of Bengali men, including old men and children.

Since then, the JEI and its students’ wing, the Islamic Chaatra Shibir, have flourished. In 2001-2006, in collaboration with the BNP they became the rulers of the nation they bloodily opposed. They also actively promoted religious fundamentalism and terrorism in partnership with BNP leaders.

The JEI has been banned as a political party by the Election Commission following a high court order. A political party’s constitution is obliged to adhere to the nation’s constitution and the Election Commission guidelines that flow from there. The JEI demands Sharia Law which is prohibited in the constitution, thus challenging the very concept of Bangladesh.

The JEI was born as a pan-Pakistan Islamic institution, and was a brainchild of Islamic cleric Ala Moududi. It is an amalgation of Deobandhi, Wahabi and Salafi thought. In recent years, the Bangladesh JEI or Jamaat have made strategic changes in their fight. They have created an upper level of western educated lawyers, technocrats, doctors and journalists who project a moderate Islamic character. Being religious is no crime or affront. On the other hand they have their core party cadres and workers who promote a rigid Islamic vision wherein a continuous religious war or jihad must be prosecuted against the not-believers or Kafirs. The very thought of this strategic approach should wake up people all over the world.

There is an often heard argument that the religious parties may make a noise but win very few seats in elections. That may be true. But the religious havoc they create at the lower end of the society is unacceptable.

The genesis of religious extremism in Pakistan is the Jamaat. The Pakistan state, both civilian and military rulers used them in many forms, including as carriers of foreign policy against India. They are suffering now more than India is. A genie was let out from the bottle to devour the enemy. The genie is hungry and if the masters cannot give them food, they will eat the masters.

Such a challenge is now looming over Bangladesh. A fertile ground is being created for the Al Qaeda and its associates by the Jamaat-BNP partnership. The Al Qaeda made one attempt, albeit a small one, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in end 2008 assisted by the JEI.

Western countries led by the United States are trying to get the two warring sides to the table, to discuss the issue threadbare according to the relevant laws and the constitution and come to an agreement so that matters of the state can go forward unhindered.

The government led by Sk. Hasina expected the situation and declared in advance that if talks could bring about a satisfactory solution, the parliament could be dismissed and fresh elections held with all political parties participating. That position stands, but elections had to be held as per the constitution.

The opposition alliance led by the BNP and its chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia are also veering to the proposal of talks, but still remain unclear whether their earlier position not to compromise on the caretaker government issue, and Sk. Hasina remaining prime minister once the date of elections is declared, still stand.

It is well known that both Sk. Hasina and Khaleda Zia have supported and opposed the caretaker government system depending upon whether they led the government or were in the opposition. This only suggests that the caretaker government system, as it entails today, is flawed.

The shortcomings of the caretaker system were revealed when the system was put into action to hold elections to the 9th parliament after the BNP-JEI coalition government completed its term. The system is directed to hold elections within 90 days of the dissolution of parliament. Two spells of emergency were declared under which all political activities were banned. There were serious differences over selection of neutral members of the caretaker government and the Chief Advisor, who acts as the prime minister.

The army came into play, and a coup was averted following intervention from western countries and the UN Secretary General. It would be recalled that both Sk. Hasina and Khaleda Zia were put in jail on corruption charges. Elections were finally held on December 29, 2008 by a reformed Election Commission under a new caretaker government. In a subsequent probe both the caretaker government and the Army Chief Gen. Moen U. Ahmed were indicted.

The Awami league government has kept the army out of politics, but Khaleda Zia on more than one occasion called on the armed forces to come out of their barracks and oust the government, that is, stage a coup. To Khaleda and her team anything is acceptable if Sk. Hasina can be dethroned. There is the major issue of JEI. It does not quality as a political party as per the laws. Very recently, the JEI has launched a propaganda that it is a moderate Islamic political party, law abiding, never did anything illegal, and promises full protection and freedom of religion to the minorities (read Hindus). It is unbelievable how the JEI could come up with such a self promotion. And if they have, it must have been a well deliberated and conscious decision with expensive professional advice.

The JEI has two priorities at the moment. The first is to obliterate 1971 from history. They have succeeded to an extent, but agony cannot be wiped out. They still hope to get their leaders who are charged and sentenced for crimes against humanity, dismissed with help from the BNP and friends abroad. The other is to bury all evidence of their links with religious terrorism.

The western countries have a daunting task ahead. For a successful compromise the Awami League may be pressured to come down on the caretaker government question. Will the pressure extend to another amendment of the constitution and Election Commission rules to allow the JEI with its unchanged constitution to be recognized as a legitimate political party?

The coming days are critical for Bangladesh and its inclusive democracy. If that is destroyed, the world including the west, will have a heavy price to pay.

The writer is a New Delhi based strategic analyst. He can be reached at e-mail grouchohart@yahoo.com

The article Bangladesh Under Siege – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By IPCS

By DS Rajan

The current trends make clear that tensions between China and Japan on political and strategic issues are increasing day by day. It is natural that Asia-Pacific nations, which have a big stake in guaranteeing regional stability and prosperity, are coming under compulsions to shape their responses to the developing situation. For that purpose, they are keeping a close watch on indicators of the future course of bilateral ties between the two Asian economic giants.

It goes without saying that China-Japan political relations remain frosty mainly due to the ownership dispute over islands, called Diaoyu by Beijing and Senkaku by Tokyo. It would be important not to ignore veteran leader Deng Xiaoping’s position that the territorial problem could be left to the future generations in the two countries for resolution. However, the issue came into the limelight China in mid-2009, a period that saw China enforcing a foreign policy course with a revised strategic focus. This gave priority to protecting what it calls its ‘core interests’ – Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan, strategic resources and trade routes. The result has been a new assertiveness based on the ‘sovereignty’ factor in China’s external behavior. With respect to the disputed islands, Beijing, from this period, began emphasising that China was not a party to the treaty on the island group, approved by the post-World War II allied powers’ treaties.

Two factors can be credited for the post-2009 accentuation in China’s stand on the disputed islands. The first concerns the resource factor – on the basis of increasingly available estimates, Beijing started to realise that the islands have high potential for energy deposits and that sovereignty over them would enable it to gain base lines for China’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), legitimising its exploitation of resources. The second factor is strategic, which forces China to become aggressive on the islands issue – the US position that the disputed islands are being governed by the 1960 US-Japan Security Treaty which allows Washington to intervene in the event of any external threat to the islands. Three steps taken of late by China in the East China Sea theatre need to be understood in a strategic context:

• Beijing’s declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone over the East China Sea

• Recurring entry by Chinese ships into territorial waters in East China Sea claimed by Japan

• China’s announcement of new fishing restrictions in the South China Sea.

Japan also has made moves that have invited Chinese wrath. They include:

• Tokyo’s ‘nationalisation’ of three of the disputed islands through purchase from their private owner

• Japan’s adoption of a new 10-year Defense Strategy based on ‘pro-active pacifism’ aimed at strengthening the country’s defense capabilities, particularly in the maritime sector

• Prime Minister Abe’s visit ( first such one to be made by a Japanese Prime Minister since 2006) to Yasukuni shrine which honours World War II criminals

• Holding of a drill close to the disputed islands by Japanese paratroopers in the presence of Japanese Defence Minister Itsunori Onodera, with defending and retaking of remote islands as designed goals

• Proposed introduction of draft laws by the Japanese government in late January 2014 to a national referendum on constitutional revision seeking to gradually lift the existing restrictions on the country’s military build-up.

Symbolic of the current political stand-off between Beijing and Tokyo is China’s official rejection of the Japanese Prime Minister Abe’s call to hold an official summit meeting with Chinese leaders (and South Korean), for ‘explaining directly to them’ the visit to the Yasukuni shrine. The undiminished Chinese strategic mistrust of Japan as well as the US is well reflected in the following words of a China expert: “Tokyo’s changing security and foreign policies will bring more complexities and uncertainties to the relationships between China, Japan and the United States.” Sun Cheng, Professor of Japanese Studies, China University of Political Science and Law).

The Japanese emperor recently visited India; Prime Minister Abe will be the special guest at the Republic Day celebrations in New Delhi on 26 January 2014. India-Japan relations in various spheres including security are bound to progress further. But Chinese suspicions of this bilateral relationship are demonstrated in warnings in the Chinese media that India’s strategic cooperation with Japan “…can only bring trouble to India. There may be some tacit understanding in the strategic cooperation between India and Japan, given the long-lasting Diaoyu island dispute and China-India border confrontation. Overheated strategic cooperation with the Abe administration can only bring trouble to India and threaten its relationships with the relevant East Asian countries.” (Global Times, 30 May 2013). This being so, at a time when Beijing-Tokyo relations have soured with no immediate chances of recovery, it will be in India’s interests to not appear as ganging up with China against Japan or with Japan against China. New Delhi’s policy towards Beijing and Tokyo needs to be well-calibrated and balanced. India seems to be aware of the need. The fact that India has not taken sides on the Senkaku issue so far is evidence of this.

DS Rajan
Director, Chennai Centre for China Studies (CCCS)
Email: director.c3s@gmail.com

The article China-Japan Friction: How Can India Respond? – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By MINA

Cyprus is allowing Russian military aircraft to use the Andreas Papandreou military airbase near Paphos, as well as opening Limassol port to its naval vessels, Cyprus Weekly said on Friday.

An agreement to that effect is yet to be concluded, Itar-Tass reports.

Defence Minister Fotis Fotiou on Thursday submitted a proposal, in agreement with the Foreign Ministry, that initial use of the base will be limited to aircraft for humanitarian and emergency situations. The Russian air force will not be allowed to use storage facilities at the base, the weekly said.

The use of the airbase as well as the docking of Russian naval vessels at Limassol port were discussed at meetings Fotiou had in Moscow with his Russian counterpart Sergei Shoigu in May 2013 and also between Cyprus Foreign Minister Ioannis Kasoulidis and Russia’s Sergei Lavrov in St. Petersburg last June.

Fotiou has repeatedly told the media that the theme of a permanent Russian base in Cyprus had never been brought up.

The article Cyprus To Allow Russian Air Force And Naval Fleet Use Of Bases appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Radio Zamaneh

Dubai ruler Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum has told BBC that the easing of sanctions on Iran will benefit all parties.

In a rare interview, Al Maktoum said: “Iran is our neighbour, and we do not want any problems.” He stressed that “everybody will benefit” from the suspension of economic sanctions against Iran.

Dubai is one of Iran’s major trade partners, and the past years of economic sanctions have restricted that relationship.

The world powers reached a deal with Iran in November to begin easing those sanctions in exchange for the suspension of parts of Iranian nuclear program.

Iran insists that its nuclear activities are peaceful, and Sheikh Mohammad was quoted as saying: “I think they’re telling the truth when they say it’s just for civilian power.”

The Geneva agreement between Iran and the 5+1 is reportedly being implemented starting on January 20.

The article Dubai Ruler Voices Support For Iran’s Sanction Relief appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Robert Reich

The U.S. economy created a measly 74,000 new jobs in December, and a smaller percentage of working-age Americans is now employed than at any time in the last three decades (before women surged into the workforce).

What does this have to do with the fact that median household incomes continue to drop (adjusted for inflation) and that 95 percent of all the economic gains since the recovery started have gone to the top 1 percent?

Plenty. Businesses won’t create new jobs without enough customers. But most Americans no longer have enough purchasing power to fuel that job growth.

That’s why it’s so important to (1) raise the minimum wage at least to its inflation-adjusted value 40 years ago — which would be well over $10 an hour, (2) extend unemployment benefits to the jobless, (3) launch a major jobs program to rebuild the nation’s crumbling infrastructure, (4) expand Medicaid to the near-poor, (5) enable low-wage workers to unionize, (6) rehire all the teachers, social workers, police, and other public service employees who were laid off in the recession, (7) exempt the first $20,000 of income from Social Security payroll taxes and make up the difference by removing the cap on income subject to the tax.

And because the rich spend a far smaller proportion of their earnings than the middle class and poor, pay for much of this by (8) closing tax loopholes that benefit the rich such as the “carried interest” tax benefit for hedge-fund and private-equity managers, (9) raise the highest marginal tax rate, and (10) impose a small tax on all financial transactions.

One of the major political parties adamantly refuses to do any of this, and the other doesn’t have the strength or backbone to make them.

Make a ruckus.

The article Lousy US Jobs Report And The Scourge Of Inequality – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Balkan Insight

By Elvira M. Jukic

A Bosnian Serb organisation said it will build a 26-metre-high memorial cross on a hill above Sarajevo – a plan called ‘shameful’ by Bosniak war victims’ groups.

Branislav Dukic, the president of the Bosnian Serb Association of Prison Camp Inmates, said that construction work on the cross, dedicated to Serbs killed in Sarajevo during the 1992-95 war, will begin in September or October this year.

At 26 metres high and 18 metres wide, the cross, if built, will be visible from almost everywhere in the city, becoming a key feature of the Sarajevo skyline.

Dukic said that the names of more than 6,600 Serbs who died in and around Sarajevo in wartime would be inscribed on the giant cross in the Zlatiste district of the capital.

“The Association of Prison Camp Inmates of Republika Srpska has the technical documentation for this project ready,” he said on Friday, adding that his association owned a plot of around 1,000 square metres where the memorial will be built.

He claimed there were 536 detention camps for Serbs in the 1990s war.

But Senida Karovic, head of Union of Civil Victims of the War in Sarajevo Canton said that the plan to build the monument was provocative.

“This is only spiteful towards victims. It would be a shameful to install such a memorial at places from which citizens of Sarajevo used to be killed with artillery and by snipers,” Karovic said on Friday.

“We will not let such a memorial be set up. We will stand against such a decision, and not only with words,” she said.

Bosnian Serb forces besieged Sarajevo for three and a half years during the war; according to official data, more than 11,000 people including around 1,600 children were killed amid shelling and sniper attacks from the hills surrounding the city.

The total number of local Serbs who remained and died in the city during the siege is said to be around 4,000, although Serb sources put that number at around 6,000.

The article Giant Serb Cross Plan Sparks Anger In Sarajevo appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By RFE RL

(RFE/RL) — Former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has been laid to rest at his family farm in southern Israel, some 10 kilometers from Gaza.

At a somber ceremony earlier in the day in front of the Israeli parliament, dignitaries from 21 countries, mainly in Europe, had paid tribute to Sharon, who died on January 11 at the age of 85 after eight years in a coma following a stroke.

Sharon was buried next to his wife, Lily, at Havat Shikmim, or “Sycamore Ranch,” their home in the Negev desert.

In his remarks at the special memorial at Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, Israeli President Shimon Peres said that Sharon “never rested” in his defense of Israel. “The land from which you came will embrace you in the warm arms of the history of our nation to which you added an unforgettable chapter,” he said.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that Sharon’s “unique contribution to the security of Israel is engraved in the pages of the history of our people.”

“The state of Israel will continue to fight terrorism,” Netanyahu said. “The state of Israel will continue to strive for peace while safeguarding our security.”

In his eulogy, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden called Sharon a man whose “guiding star” was the security and survival of the state of Israel.

“The security of his people was always Arik’s unwavering mission — a nonbreakable commitment to the future of Jews, whether 30 years or 300 years from now,” Biden said.

Sharon was a “complex man” who at times sparked “controversy and even condemnation,” Biden said, adding, “History will also judge that these were complex times.

Others in attendance include German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Middle East Quartet envoy Tony Blair, outgoing Czech Prime Minister Jiri Rusnok, and diplomats from Canada, Spain, and Russia.

The procession traveling from the Knesset paused for a ceremony at a military memorial site in Latrun, west of Jerusalem, where Sharon was wounded in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War.

With thousands of people expected to attend the funeral, Israeli security forces and aerial defenses had been redeployed to secure the area.

Sharon’s ranch is close to the border with Gaza and rocket attacks from Gaza have struck nearby during the past month.

Sharon’s body lay in state at the Knesset on January 12 as mourners paid their last respects.

U.S. President Barack Obama and his wife, Michelle, led tributes in the United States, saying that as “Israel says goodbye to Prime Minister Sharon, we join with the Israeli people in honoring his commitment to his country.”

Former U.S. President George W. Bush, who was in office when Sharon was serving as Israel’s prime minister, said he was honored to “know this man of courage and call him a friend.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin also said Sharon had been a great friend of Russia and praised what Sharon had done to protect Israel’s interests.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel characterized Sharon as “an Israeli patriot.”

British Prime Minister David Cameron paid tribute to the “brave and controversial decisions” Sharon had made toward the Middle East peace process, and called him one of the most significant figures in Israeli history.

French President Francois Hollande also praised Sharon’s “choice to turn towards dialogue with Palestinians” after his long military and political career.

United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon called Sharon a “hero to his people” and urged Israel to build on Sharon’s legacy of pragmatism to work toward the creation of a Palestinian state.

The Palestinian group Hamas, however, said that it welcomed Sharon’s death — calling him a “criminal whose hands were covered with Palestinian blood” and who should have been put on trial for “war crimes.”

The article Israel, International Leaders Honor Sharon As Former PM Is Buried appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By PanArmenian

Russia’s Kalashnikov gun maker is planning to sell up to 200,000 hunting and sporting rifles and shotguns in the United States every year, the company said Monday, Jan 13, according to RIA Novosti.

The recently established Kalashnikov Concern, which includes Izhmash, Izhmekh and some other small-arms manufacturers under the famed Kalashnikov brand, is expected to sign an exclusive agreement with the Russian Weapon Company at the 2014 SHOT Show in Las Vegas in January.

Estimates show Kalashnikov could sell up to 200,000 units in the U.S. annually through RWC as an exclusive dealer, the company’s spokesperson Yelena Filatova said.

Izhmash, one of the world’s largest firearms manufacturers and the maker of Saiga rifles and shotguns, Biathlon target rifles and the legendary AK-47, appointed RWC Group LLC as its exclusive U.S. importer during the 2012 SHOT Show.

Saiga rifles and shotguns are based on the classic, rugged and reliable Kalashnikov design. They are used primarily for hunting, target practicing and sporting competitions.

The article Kalashnikov Gun Maker Plans To Sell 200,000 Rifles To US Annually appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By TransConflict

Concrete steps in the peace process – such as the cessation of violence by ETA, the legalisation of Sortu and repeal of the Parot Doctrine – can provide the basis for consolidating co-existence, based upon respect for human rights, pluralism and memory.

By Lokarri

The second anniversary of ETA’s ending of violence recently passed. An analysis of the present situation of the peace process and the normalisation of coexistence allows us to conclude that there are serious difficulties and obstacles to making progress. Basically, they fall into four main groups – 1) ETA has not taken steps towards its effective disarmament, 2) the Spanish government still refuses to contribute to the consolidation of peace, 3) the political parties have great difficulty in articulating an ordered dialogue to agree on the basis for future coexistence, and 4) attitudes and discourses are still rooted in the past, underlying responsibilities and not solutions.

Lokarri is aware of all these difficulties. Possibly encouraged by a hope that some people think is closer to naivety, we may have fallen into the temptation of thinking that the consolidation of peace would be a simpler task than it has proven to be. In November Lokarri participated in a seminar held in Zagreb, Croatia, that explored dealing with the past in situations after a violent conflict. A number of organisations from the Balkans and Northern Ireland participated. It was striking that when comparing the serious divisions that still exist in those two parts of Europe, and given the level of cohesion of Basque society, it can be considered that we are now in a better position to deal with what happened in the past and disseminate a culture of peace, thereby helping avoid a repetition of so much suffering in the future. If this is the case, why is it so hard for us to make progress?

There is no easy answer to this question, but we could use two ideas that can guide us in our search for an explanation. First, we need to embrace the idea that we are emerging from a really difficult phase that has left behind terrible consequences which do not disappear overnight. Second, it is neither feasible nor realistic to try and find a solution to all the problems at the same time. A peace process involves moments when we make progress, and others when difficulties emerge.

The last two years have been fruitful in terms of progress. For example, ETA has abandoned violence, Sortu has been legalised, the ECHR has repealed the Parot Doctrine and acts of reconciliation and mutual recognition have multiplied, such as the Glencree initiative and the recent tribute to Joseba Goikoetxea. The result has been the disappearance of the threat from ETA, the presence of all political tendencies within institutions, a stronger guarantee of the human rights of prisoners and a gradual normalization of coexistence in society. These are all improvements in a situation that is unlikely – if not impossible – to go backwards.

These concrete steps can be the basis on which new progress can be achieved in order to reach the ultimate objective – the consolidation of coexistence based upon respect for human rights, pluralism and memory. The end of violence needs to be accompanied by the start of the effective disarmament of ETA. For legalisation, a sincere and constructive dialogue is needed among all political parties. Following the repeal of the Parot Doctrine, there has been an improvement in the situation of prisoners. Following acts of mutual recognition, ever more small gestures of respect and empathy are happening. That is the only way we can build, stone by stone, the road to harmonious coexistence.

Lokarri is a citizens’ network that works for peace, consensus, consultation and reconciliation. To learn more about their work, please click here.

The article Basque Country: Concrete Steps In The Peace Process – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By RFA

One of four Uyghur women forced into late-term abortions in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region underwent the brutal procedure while she was ill, her husband said this week, as a fifth woman was brought to the same hospital for a forced abortion.

Helchihan Mettursun, 36, and the three others had been forced by local authorities to undergo the forced abortions at the hospital in Hotan prefecture in the last week of December—including one woman who was nine months along, according to officials.

Mettursun’s abortion six months into her pregnancy was a wrenching 28-hour ordeal that took place after local officials led her away from her home in a taxi while she was unconscious from fainting, her husband Abdurrahman Metturdi told RFA’s Uyghur Service.

The first time officials came to their home to take Mettursun, who suffers from heart trouble, away to the hospital for the abortion, they had given up after Mettursun had a seizure, he said.

But they returned the next day, taking her away to the hospital in a taxi.

There, she received an injection while tied down to the bed, and was kept that way for more than a day until staff confirmed her fetus was dead, he said.

“They said the baby would come out in 24 hours, but it took 28 hours and during that time my wife was in agonizing pain, she was crying. I could not take it anymore and I went out,” he said.

“At that moment I thought, those who get executed with one bullet to the head must be luckier than us.”

Before the officials came, the couple, who has three daughters, had been nursing Metturdi’s 83-year-old father Metturdi Seydi, who died shortly after the abortion, he said.

“When my father heard the sad news about my baby, he passed away in pain,” said Metturdi, who is now caring for his wife as she recuperates at home.

“When I thought of my baby and how he was in agonizing pain while he was struggling to survive, my heart was torn apart in pain for days,” he said.

Fresh procedures?

Mettursun and the three other women who had abortions at the Nurluq hospital in Keriya (in Chinese, Yutian) county were among six originally slated for the procedure that week, local officials had told RFA late last month.

Two of the women, however—one seven months along and the other more than four—managed to avoid the procedure, with one of them fleeing the area with her husband for a few weeks.

Officials at the Nurluq Hospital have denied performing the procedures, but the Arish township deputy chief and county family planning department head confirmed late last month that they had been carried out.

Arish township deputy chief Eniver Momin told RFA that due to recent publicity about the cases, local officials had temporarily put a halt on further planned abortions while they awaited orders from prefecture-level authorities about whether to continue.

On Monday morning, witnesses at the hospital told RFA that officials had brought in a woman from nearby Siyek township for a forced abortion.

Hospital officials said, however, that the woman left the facility Monday afternoon, accompanied by Siyek township officials, without having an abortion.

Hospital deputy director Memtimin Turdi confirmed the woman had been brought to the facility, but said no procedure had been performed.

Asked how many forced abortions had been performed in the hospital in the past three weeks, Turdi said the hospital had not done any.

Enforcing controls

Under a new law passed in December, married couples in China will be permitted to have a second child if one spouse is an only child. Current regulations allow a second child in certain cases, including if both spouses are only children themselves.

As ethnic minorities, the Uyghurs are exempt from the one-child limit.

But under Xinjiang family planning regulations, urban Uyghur couples are limited to two children, while rural couples are allowed three.

Experts say the rules governing “excess birth” are unclear and often abused by local authorities, or by the rich and politically connected, who can afford to pay large fines for bigger families.

Keriya Women’s Union head Aygul Abduweli, who formerly worked in the family planning department for eight years, said laws were unclear on how far local officials could go to enforce the limits, since local officials are authorized to adjust the regulations to their own areas.

“No matter what [rule there are] in central or regional government’s documents, it is also stated that local governments should adjust those regulations according the situation of their own localities,” she told RFA.

She said regulations varied on how far into her pregnancy a woman could be ordered to abort.

“As a recall, in 2004 in Hotan prefecture had a special government document which clearly stated that it is not permissible to abort five-month pregnancies.”

“In a document from the regional government, they said it was permissible to abort pregnancies over 45 days old,” she said.

Reported by Shohret Hoshur for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Mamatjan Juma. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.

The article China: Uyghur Woman Forced To Abort Six-Month Pregnancy While Ill appeared first on Eurasia Review.