Syrian people in Turkey, whom we insist on describing as our “guests”, have become part of our daily lives as perpetual refugees for an “indefinite period of time”. Now, they are residing not only in a couple of towns in the southeast, but they can be found all throughout Turkey. Their presence is felt more and more with each passing day, and of course, there is growing resentment against them within the society – based on warranted and unwarranted arguments.

By Ihsan Bal

In the beginning, the whole story was portrayed as an instance of hospitality and acceptance.

Turkey welcomingly opened its arms to all those who were fleeing the cruel oppression of Assad’s Ba’ath regime.

They were our “guests”.

The government immediately started to build camps that would give our guests the red carpet treatment.

Hatay, Urfa, Gaziantep, and Osmaniye were designated as the provinces that were going to host our guests in the first stage.

The overall picture presented above, and the data brought to public attention on the way the camps in question were run, gave a solid impression that everything was going alright.

Syrian children were flashing smiles that displayed their confidence in the Turkish authorities treating them with compassion andproviding them with safety, adolescents played in soccer matches, and the elderly rhapsodized Turkey’s hospitality. Turkey did all it could during this initial period, which was expected to last a short time, by providing the highest standards of accommodation.

Turkey was trying to present this endeavor as the most vivid illustration of its soft power throughout the Middle East, where winds of change marked by street movements and Arab revolutions were greasing the gears of Turkey’s rising influence and credibility.

But there was a serious and profound problem: miscalculation.

It was soon discovered that the Syrian regime, which was expected to be toppled in a couple of months – even weeks according to some estimates – had no intent to surrender.

Indeed, soon afterwards, the Syrian Civil War began and Turkish foreign policy-makers were confronted with a scenario which exhibited scenes that were nothing short of those seen in a horror movie. The Assad regime, whose days were numbered according to many eager to dig its grave as soon as possible, resisted with all its strength and that which was dreaded became a reality. Turkey, with over a million refugees taking shelter within its borders, was now face-to-face with various problems in a wide array of fields, from security and economy to education and public health.

So the key issue was to generate a solution for Turkey to overcome this new situation.

At a time when the number of one hundred thousand Syrian refugees was proclaimed as the psychological threshold for Turkey, forecasts suggested that the actual numbers would rapidly exceed the hundreds of thousands. And soon it became a reality. In a context where Syrians were flooding neighboring countries to find respite, Turkey, together with Jordan and Lebanon, became one of the most severely burdened countries.

Syrian people in Turkey, whom we insist on describing as our “guests”, have become part of our daily lives as refugees for an “indefinite period of time”. Now, they are residing not only in a couple of towns in the southeast, but they can be found all throughout Turkey. Their presence is felt more and more with each passing day, and of course, there is growing resentment against them within the society – based on warranted and unwarranted arguments.

The clashes in Gaziantep were a typical example of xenophobia that can be witnessed all around the world.

In this instance, 62-year-old Hıdır Çalar was stabbed to death as the result of a quarrel that arose from a dispute over the payment of utility bills between him and his renters who happened to be a family of Syrian refugees. This lit the fuse of a powder keg of rage that had been accumulating within the community over a period of three years. Tensions and clashes in the city continued for days.

However, clashes between locals and refugees are not limited to those within Gaziantep. Similar events can be witnessed in major cities such as İstanbul, Ankara, and İzmir on a daily basis.

Previously, we saw the same kind of events in Ankara. In the Altındağ district, a group of people who gathered in response to allegations that Syrian refugees assaulted a local threw rocks at a building inhabited by Syrian refugees before they set it on fire. Likewise, some inhabitants of İstanbul’s Küçükçekmece district attacked the workplaces of Syrian shopkeepers last month, claiming that their children had been beaten up by Syrian refugees.

The most striking piece of news published revolving around this issue was the preposterous claim that Syrians had poisoned the water in Gaziantep. Such rumors drove a wedge between the locals and Syrian refugees there. People are increasingly being dragged into a deadly spiral of xenophobia and paranoia. In such an atmosphere, rapidly spreading claims, like the one mentioned above, can incite thousands of people in the blink of an eye.

When we look at the total number of news pieces mentioning Syrian refugees in the last three years, we see that the issue was rarely reflected on in the media until recently. And unfortunately, the issue gained currency now only because the problems associated with it are a source of growing concern. Indeed,the more frequently we are reminded of the Syrian refugee issue, which attracts our leaders’ attention only when it makes the headlines of prominent newspapers, the more likely it is that Turkey will be faced with graver circumstances in the forthcoming period.

Let us not exaggerate the risk, but bring the matter to the table by taking into account previous experiences, potential developments, and alternative forecasts.

More than 1 million people… their mother tongue is Arabic. Of the approximate 1.2 million refugees, a vast majority are living outside the camps; and half of them are unregistered. They can easily fall into the hands of criminal organizations and the mafia. They are exposed to an alien environment, and utterly vulnerable. On top of that, there are numerous reports suggesting illegal networks and organizations are exploiting this situation. These individuals are ideal targets for human traffickers, prostitution and robbery syndicates, etc.

There are also those who continue to live their lives in a relatively normal way in neighborhoods where Turkish people reside, and some of them are even protected and helped by the locals. But public tolerance has eroded over time, and problems have snowballed to such an extent that today Syrians are the first to be blamed when there arises the slightest indication that things are beginning to go wrong in the neighborhood. They have become the scapegoats.

They escaped from a war zone. But afterwards, they’ve found themselves at the center of an even crueler struggle, the “fight for survival”. They’ve became the most vulnerable segment of the society upon which they sanguinely pinned their faith. The cries of a refugee woman that were caught by a documentary summarize the whole situation: “Death, abasement, disgrace… Isn’t it enough what we suffered?”

They are at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. They have no social security.

Most of them are trying to survive in our densest cities, gazing around with their timid looks and begging for help on the sidewalks.

As for their education, this constitutes a major problem in itself. Which schools are they going to attend, which curricula are they going to follow, which teachers will give them lectures? If most of them are no longer “visitors” but are to make a life for themselves in Turkey, then Syrian students should be enrolled in exclusivelyTurkish-taught programs with curricula to be prepared in Turkish.

If calculations continue to be made on the assumption that these people are going to be repatriated, then we will need a totally different approach to their education.

The subject entails not only questions related to security, education, and the economy, but also the complex concept of integration. But the task of defining the content of policies and measures aimed at these people’s integration in and peaceful co-existence with the rest of the society is closely related to granting them a proper legal status.

Are they to be considered as citizens of the Republic of Turkey, or will they be afforded another type of status?

The answers to these questions directly correspond to how we answer the relevant questions posed by the future course of developments in Syria, and to what extent Syrian refugees in Turkey will be able to identify with this country in the upcoming period. We don’t need to see Syrians begging in the central districts of Ankara, İstanbul, and İzmir, or to learn that the shy teenager serving us soup in a restaurant is from Syria to be reminded of this and to take action. For over three years, the crisis has already constantly reminded us of how deep the issue runs. Burying our heads in the sand will not help us in dealing with the ugly truth as it stands at this current juncture.

I hope it is not too late for decision-makers to cover the waterfront in cooperation with universities and relevant working groups, and to take realistic steps to draft a tangible roadmap for the future.

The data acquired from and solutions proposed by working and research groups comprised of contributors from different disciplines will help us to raise the Syrian refugee issue to a more systematic, national, and rational political level, and prevent readings of the complex issue from an ad-hoc and narrow perspective.

It is obvious that things didn’t work out as we initially calculated. It’s all water under the bridge now. It is necessary for us to recognize the momentous crisis with which we are confronted, or of which we are merely apart, as soon as possible. Therefore, we may yet be able to make a renewed assessment of the entire situation and start controlling the process before it causes more damage.

However, if action is not taken, the ongoing crisis will continue to dismay both Turkey and our “guests”, further fueling the fires of social unrest.

Ihsan Bal, Head of USAK Academic Council

This article was first published in Analist Monthly Journal on September, 2014.

The post The Infuriating Uncertainty Surrounding Turkey’s Refugee Dilemma – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Ömer Aydoğan

Thousands of Russians marched through Moscow on Sunday to protest the Kremlin’s involvement in the Ukraine crisis. It was Russia’s first major anti-war rally since fighting between Kiev and pro-Russian rebels began in April.

The demonstrators carried Ukrainian, Russian, and opposition flags while chanting “No to War!” and other slogans like “We are together”, and “The junta is in the Kremlin, not Kiev”.

The march began at Pushkin Square in central Moscow and concluded after several hours at Sakharov Avenue.

Russia Today reporter Anissa Naouai numbered the crowd at around 26,000 but the Moscow police department put the number at about 5,000.

Boris Nemtsov, one of the protest organizers, claimed that “If there are a lot of us today, he will back down, because he is afraid of his own citizens, and only the Russian people can stop Putin”.

Signed on September 5, the ceasefire agreement has been repeatedly violated. On Saturday, a memorandum aimed at creating a buffer-zone between the two sides was also signed.

The Kiev government said that its military forces would not pull back until pro-Russian forces stop firing and Russian troops withdraw. The Russian government continues to deny that its forces are involved. Ukrainian military spokesman Andriy Lysenko said violations of the ceasefire continue, telling reporters, “In the last 24 hours we have lost two Ukrainian soldiers, eight have been wounded.”

NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe Gen. Philip Breedlove said on Saturday that the ceasefire existed “in name only”, and that “the numbers of artillery rounds fired recently was comparable to periods before the truce came into effect two weeks ago“.

Breedlove also stated that since last week, some Russian troops inside Ukraine had returned to Russia but remained ready to “bring their military force to bear on Ukraine”.

The post Russians Rally Against Putin’s Ukraine Policy appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Rana Banerji

On September 22, Gen Raheel Sharif announced the much awaited re-shuffle of three-star Generals in the Pakistan Army, promoting six Major Generals. They will replace five retiring Lieutenants General, including two of his peers – Lt Gen Tariq Khan, Corps Commander, I Corps, Mangla and Lt Gen Zahirul Islam, Director General, Inter-Services Intellgence (ISI).

This is Raheel Sharif’s first re-shuffle done on his own steam and bears his distinctive stamp.

Minor changes affecting some other Generals did occur in December, 2013, shortly after Raheel’s own ascension as Army Chief. Under this chain, Adjutant General, Lt Gen Javed Iqbal went to Bahawalpur as Corps Commander, XXXV Corps while Lt Gen Zamirul Hassan replaced him. Ikramul Haq, erstwhile VCGS went as Inspector General, Training & Evaluation (vacated by Raheel). Lt Gen Zahid Latif became GoC, Air Defence Command.

Two other important changes were made, replacing Lt Gen (retd) Khalid Kidwai with a serving Lt Gen, Zubair Hayat as Head of the Strategic Plans Directorate (SPD) and bringing in Lt Gen Obaidullah Khattak as GOC, Strategic Forces Command. These changes may have reflected influence of other senior Generals in the collegiate leadership and accommodated some of former Chief, Gen (rtd) Kayani’s blue-eyed boys.

Among the changes made this time, appointment of the new DG, ISI is easily the most important. This needs the Prime Minister’s approval. The coveted slot, often deemed the second most powerful in the Army has gone to Lt Gen Rizwan Akhtar, a professionally well regarded officer of the Frontier Force regiment (Piffers), the Chief’s own arm. Rizwan was previously DG, Pak Rangers, Sindh and has done stints as GOC, 9 Div, Kohat and as a Brigadier in South Waziristan. His place in Pak Rangers, Sindh is taken by Maj Gen Bilal Akbar (Arty) who was GOC, 11 Div, Lahore.

After the current agitations of Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri in Islamabad, a politically weakened Nawaz Sharif seems to have quietly fallen in line to approve this selection.

Rizwan Akhtar’s choice obviously reflects the Chief’s comfort level at a moment when Imran Khan changes tack from the politics of dharnas limited to Islamabad to wider scale protests in other major cities. Raheel Sharif would want a trusted man at the helm in ISI, to keep tab on these political shenanigans.

Much has been said about views of the new DG, ISI Rizwan Akhtar’s views about the need to improve relations with India, articulated in a US Army War College paper in 2008. We need to remember, this is regurgitation of the known Pakistani line touted in the context of improving US-Pak relations, that US pressure on India would help resolve the Kashmir issue in Pakistan’s favour. It should not generate undue enthusiasm that ISI would be ready to give up its strategy of using non-state asymmetrical options against India just yet.

Promotions to the top in the Army are skewed and the current selection supersedes 15 Major Generals, including two within the ISI – Maj Gen Naveed Ahmed, Sector Commander, Sindh and Maj Gen Sohail Abbas Zaidi, DG Technical. They may have to be shifted elsewhere, considering their peers have been slotted into supervisory positions. Among those left out are Maj Gen Iqbal Asi, GoC 19 Div currently deployed in anti-terror operations in Swat, Maj Gen Shahid, Inspector General, Frontier Corps, Baluchistan and Maj Gen Tariq Ghafoor, GoC, 14Div, Okara, who also had Intelligence experience.

Among the Major Generals promoted, Lt Gen Mian Muhammad Hilal Hussain (Arty) replaces Lt Gen Tariq Khan as GOC, I Corps, Mangla, Lt Gen Hidayat ur Rehman goes in place of Lt Gen Khalid Rabbani as GOC, XI Corps, Peshawar, Lt Gen Ghayur Mahmood takes over from Lt Gen Salim Nawaz as GOC, XXX Corps, Gujranwala and Lt Gen Naveed Mukhtar (AC), who was Deputy DG, Counter Terrorism in ISI becomes GOC, V Corps, Karachi in place of Lt Gen Sajjad Ghani. Lt Gen Nazir Ahmed Butt (FFR), who was Commandant, Pakistan Military Academy, Kakul goes as DG, Communications & IT.

As in any other professional Army, these promotions conform to the pattern followed by previous Chiefs, of balancing the 27 posts of three-star Generals between the main service arms – Infantry (13), Artillery (6), Armoured Corps – AC (3), Engineers(2), Air Defence (2), AMC (1). Again, Raheel has shown a common enough proclivity, to favour his own Piffers (FFR) regiment in recent promotions.

Though no hard and fast rules can be postulated in such promotions, sending out of newly promoted Generals as Corps Commanders is a shift of sorts from the practice followed during Kayani’s tenure. PTI politician, Javed Hashmi recently claimed Imran had bragged about some support in top military echelons for conspiracies to oust the democratically elected leadership. This departure could have some import if these reports of differences within the senior collegiate leadership of Generals over handling of the recent political impasse are to be given any credence.

These appointments ensconce Raheel Sharif firmly in control as the Army Chief. This could well presage a more harmonious civil-military relationship for a while, though Nawaz Sharif has had a tendency to shoot himself in the foot in the past.

Mr Rana Banerji, Distinguished Fellow, IPCSis the author of “The Pakistan Army: Composition, Character and Compulsions”

The post Military Reshuffle In Pakistan: Is Army Chief Firming Up Control? – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Aparupa Bhattacherjee

Is there a cause and effect between the anti-Muslim sentiments and anti-Rohingya violence in Myanmar? Is the latter an expression of the former?

The violence against the Rohingyas appears to be a part of larger Islamophobia within Myanmar. The religious identity of the Rohingyas seems to play a larger role than their ethnic background, triggering violence from a section within Myanmar.

Islamophobia and Anti-Rohingya Riots: Five Causes

The strife between the Rohingya’s and the Rakhines is embedded in Myanmar’s history. The communal riots in the 1990s and later in 2001 and 2003 are the fallouts of this divide, though the June 2012 riot between the two communities was attracted international attention. Until then, the existing religious tension was restricted only to some parts of the Rakhine state. Since 2012, there has been a rapid spread of the anti-Muslim sentiments to the rest of Myanmar which has also further escalated the existing tension between the Rakhines and the Rohingyas.

Several reasons triggered the scepticism against the Muslims since 2012. First, the release of the radical Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu and formation of the 969 movement under him provided an organised platform for promoting Islamophobia. Launched in 2012, the movement propagates that the Muslims (who are recorded to be four percent of the total population according to the 1983 census in Myanmar) eventually would become the majority and the largest group within Myanmar. The members of 969 movement act as prime instigators of the anti-Muslim movement in all over Myanmar.

Second, the withdrawal of the media censorship in 2011 by the newly formed quasi-civilian government has helped in disseminating hatred. Uncensored media has opened the avenues of use and abuse of the social media, propagating anti Rohingya, anti Muslim speeches and messages. The recent riot in July 2014 in Mandalay highlights the misuse of the media. A fabricated story in social media of molestation of a Buddhist girl by her Muslim employer triggered the whole violence.

Third, the 9/11 attack in the US, had alarmed a section within Myanmar which fear being targeted by the Islamic terrorists. The Rohingya Patriotic Front (a militant group, renamed as the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) in the 1990s) and its union with Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) to evolve as the Arakan Rohingya Union (ARU) further exacerbated this fear. The secessionist demands by these militant groups have only strengthened the fear and distrust among a section of Buddhist Myanmarese against the Muslims which was flared by the radical groups such as 969 movement.

Fourth, the vulnerability of the Rohingya’s made them an easy target. The Rohingyas were stripped of their citizenship rights by the 1982 Constitution, and thus perceived as an outsider in the country. They are referred as ‘Bengalis’ from Bangladesh, and the growth of the militants amongst them, have created an image of the whole community as a bunch of reprobate. Although the Rohingyas are a minority in the Rakhine state but their population is substantial in number (one billion approximately out of the total three billion); this has supported the notion of Muslim takeover. Additionally certain villages were recognised as the Rohingya ghettos, made them easily accessible for the perpetrators. This could be substantiated by the fact that the Rohingyas living in other district in a more mixed community setup were never attacked.

Fifth, the spread of violence to other states also indicates the anti-Rohingya hostilities are effect of the cause of Islamophobia in Myanmar. Although the June and October 2012 riots were restricted in the Rakhine state, several riots also took place across Myanmar, including the two big cities of Yangon and Mandalay. The February 2013 riot in Yangon, took place in Thaketa township comprising Muslims population of mix ethnic groups and insignificant number of Rohingyas. According to the record, the number of people murdered, raped and displaced in both the June and October 2012 riots apart from the Rohingyas also includes other Muslims such as Kaman and Barmar Muslims too. Thus elaborating attacks in most of these riots lead by the group of Buddhists radicals were inflicted upon the Muslims irrespective of their ethnicity.

The anti- Rohingya violence should not be treated separate from the problem of the rapid growth of anti-Muslim sentiments in Myanmar. Although the Rohingyas have faced the brunt of the growth of the anti-Muslim violence, the repercussion of the growth has impacted all Muslims in Myanmar irrespective of their ethnicity. This implies that the solution to both the cause and its effect have to be addressed together, as one may again lead to other.

Aparupa Bhattacherjee
Research Officer, Southeast Asia Research Programme (SEARP), IPCS. Email: aparupa@ipcs.org

The post Anti-Rohingya And Anti-Muslim Sentiments In Myanmar: Mutually Reinforcing? – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Sureyya Yigit

The result of the Scottish Referendum has been a clear victory for the “No” campaign. According to provisional results, the “No” side received more than two million votes and over 55% of the total vote, with those in favour of independence numbering 1.6 million. Despite the fact that very many voters wanted independence, almost half a million more desired the union to remain intact.

The referendum campaign ultimately focused on what kind of a relationship Scotland should have with the rest of the Kingdom. In this respect, it is important to look back at the historical relationship. A vital moment that springs to mind is the enactment of the Act of Union of 1707, after which Scotland became incorporated into the United Kingdom and has maintained that status ever since.

Almost two centuries later in 1885 a reorganisation of the government took place whereby a Scottish Office was established. This governmental department was created to look into matters that concerned Scotland. Another century later, the Labour government of the 1970s proposed a devolved Scotland which would have some independence from Westminster. This was not achieved, but the Labour Party continued this pursuit and when it regained power in the 1990s it implemented this proposal, and therewith the Scottish Parliament was established in 1999.

It was precisely these developments that were used by the “Yes” campaign to support their cause. If the British government had accepted a particularly distinct Scottish dimension to policies and politics, thus providing the opportunity for Scotland to diverge from public policy which was advocated and implemented in Westminster, then that distinctiveness also ought to be implemented in the form of a separate polity.

In other words, the different policies formulated and implemented by the Scottish Office should be accountable to their electorate. That electorate was not the whole of the United Kingdom but of Scotland. Therefore, policies for Scotland should be the responsibility of the Scots and the Scottish Parliament rather than the whole of the United Kingdom and the House of Commons.

It was through such an argument that the “Yes” campaign raised the important issue of democratic legitimacy. This quite naturally was a vital aspect of the referendum. The result of the referendum, however, has made one thing very clear. Change will inevitably take place and it will certainly centre on negotiations for a Scottish Parliament with extended powers. Therefore, the United Kingdom will be embarking on a constitutional journey, though the destination is unclear.

The “Yes” campaign stressed the wealth of Scotland. Whilst nobody would deny that possessing natural resources is an advantage, equally, it is foolhardy to wholeheartedly, or chiefly, depend purely on natural resources. The ultimate reason for this being that no one can foresee precisely what the world price for oil will be in a decade or two’s time. To base public spending priorities to a great extent on how much expected tax revenue would come from natural resources would be a high-risk strategy. Certainly tax revenue from North Sea oil would help Scotland but there were also offsetting measures too.

The leader of the “No” campaign, former finance minister Alistair Darling, had highlighted this issue when referring to the prospects of an independent Scotland borrowing on the international money markets. The primary benefit the UK possessed concerned its economic strength which is supplied together by England, Wales and Northern Ireland as well as Scotland. Combining all four of these entities presented a highly viable entity on the global stage, whether expressed in the military dimension, or the political order or in the financial sphere.

London has an impact in international affairs. It has a voice that is heard in many places. Its economic weight is recognised by international markets. Due to these attributes and characteristics it is able to borrow at credible rates of interest. An independent Scotland devoid of these collective attributes that stem from unity with the United Kingdom would be hard pushed to borrow on the international financial and capital markets. This issue highlighted the significance of finance when taking the ultimate decision concerning independence.

The most important financial matter that was highlighted throughout the whole campaign was clearly the issue of currency. The “Yes” campaign had pledged throughout to keep the pound sterling. The “No” campaign had reiterated the policy voiced by the UK government that a currency union would be rejected. It was this issue that was the greatest obstacle to the “Yes” campaign. At times, they stated that, by way of negotiations, Scotland would be able to continue using the pound sterling. Furthermore, they threatened to refuse their share of the collective national debt if a currency union was not agreed to.

This line of argument ultimately proved to be unsuccessful. There is no reason why a territory seceding from a union would automatically have a right to currency union. Such an arrangement would be a voluntary agreement arrived at with the acceptance of both parties. Another alternative was voiced that Scotland could continue to use the pound sterling even if London objected.

While this sounded practically feasible, it would have meant that an independent state would have been entirely dependent on a neighbouring state in terms of monetary policy. If this were the case, one could even question to what extent such a state possessed economic sovereignty. The currency issue was the one topic that the “Yes” campaign was unable to successfully and confidently address or provide a satisfactory response to.

The three major parties of British politics offered their perspectives concerning Scotland’s future. The proposals made by them all shared one thing in particular: granting greater rights and responsibilities to Scotland. It was interesting to note that in this respect, the Conservatives were more generous than Labour. Given the fact that the subject of devolution was put forward by Labour in the 1970s and had been consistently either rejected or held at arm’s length by the Conservatives, this approach was quite the political revelation.

Labour proposed greater devolution in terms of income tax as well as other minor taxes. The Conservatives took matters one step further than Labour, though still to a lesser extent than the Liberal Democrats. They proposed that the Scottish Parliament should become responsible for setting the rates and bands of income tax throughout Scotland.

As for their junior coalition partners, they not surprisingly led from the front in terms of what they were willing to offer to Scotland. They offered full devolution in terms of income tax also mentioning that revenues from certain taxes could be directed to the Scottish budget. They foresaw a structure which resembled a federal state which has also been labelled as “devolution max” – the maximum scale that devolution can reach within a unified state. Taken a step further, what the Liberal Democrats offered to Scotland is tantamount to promising a status similar to that of individual states in the United States. Under this scheme, Scotland would have powers in the UK equitable to those held by Florida or California in the USA.

Finally, viewed from the perspective of the Coalition government, an outcome that confirmed independence would have meant a near certain expectation from several nationalist parties in different territories of the United Kingdom to receive the same treatment. People in Northern Ireland and Wales, and even in many parts of England, could also have viewed such an occurrence as a political precedent. This was not lost on the decision-makers in London, which is why they are very pleased with the result.

Despite the vote against independence, all other regions of the UK will closely observe which new powers will be granted to Scotland with the expectation that they will be replicated for themselves.

The result of the Scottish referendum highlighted the political strategies pursued, the importance of leadership, future political stakes, the significance of the Scottish Parliament, policies adopted by the Coalition government, the values and ideals held by the voters, and the role of history.
From the outset, one of the challenges that faced the “No” campaign was precisely linked to their asking the electorate to vote “no”. Having to ask voters to support a negative proposal is always more challenging than asking them to support something positive. Politically, it is always easier to ask people to continue with a policy or to provide support and agreement, rather than ask them to oppose, change or reject.

Acceptance is always couched in optimistic and positive terms, whereas rejection inevitably implies a pessimistic and negative outlook. It is hard to encourage enthusiasm to object to something, whereas it is far easier to gain support and arouse excitement in saying “yes”. The “No” campaign was able to surmount this hurdle fairly easily in the end, creating a ten per cent distance between themselves and the “Yes” campaign on election day.

It was not surprising that the leader of the “No” campaign was a prominent Labour Party personality. Alastair Darling, a former Finance Minister, knew full well that losing the referendum would almost inevitably mean Labour would never form a majority government in the future. The facts supporting such a strong assertion stem from the reality that an independent Scotland would mean a reduction of 59 seats in the House of Commons.

At present, 40 of those seats are held by the Labour Party and only one by the Conservatives. The loss of all the seats allotted to Scotland would be tantamount to the loss of 15% of the parliamentary Labour Party. In this case, Labour could not hope to form a majority government without the votes of its MPs representing Scottish constituents.

What it would mean, however, would be an inbuilt majority for the Conservatives. Given their support is highly contingent on England, it would be very difficult for them to be ousted from power in Westminster. In such a scenario, the role for the Liberal Democrats would be one of a potential coalition partner -as it is currently- albeit with one major difference.

Future coalitions would only be possible, or likely, if Labour were to oust the Conservatives. The current situation would simply not be feasible. It is highly unlikely that a Labour victory in a general election would leave the House of Commons facing the prospect of the Conservatives forming a government solely with the support of the Liberal Democrats.

Furthermore, it was stressed that the danger of an independent Scotland resided in the fact that it would be a smaller and much weaker state compared to today’s United Kingdom. In terms of trade and political clout, Scotland would have far less influence than it currently does within the UK. In terms of defence and security these fears would be magnified.

Certainly the benefits of being part of a state which is a prominent member of the G8 and a founding member of NATO with a population of 65 million people as compared to 5 million are considerable. That risks are shared amongst a greater number of people, businesses and territory was an important factor for Scotland to bear in mind when considering downsizing to a reduced landmass, fewer industries and a smaller population.

When investigating the role and functions of the Scottish Parliament it would be correct to say that it is a powerful decentralised parliament. It is a parliament which has certainly proven itself in the past decade and a half. One can assert this by observing the powers it holds in terms of social policy. Particularly in areas such as health and education, the Scottish Parliament has greater powers than other local governments. Whilst this was acknowledged by the “Yes” as well as the “No” campaign, the former insisted on greater economic powers being supplemented to those already possessed in the social field.

In terms of education the Scottish government has rejected the British government’s policy of charging tuition fees for universities. This has meant that students studying in Edinburgh for example are exempt from tuition fees, although students studying in Exeter have to pay at least £27,000 for a three year degree. 5 miles south of the Scottish border, an English student must pay to study at the University of Cumbria in Carlisle, but can enrol for free at the Caledonian University in Glasgow. This is a good illustration of the powers the Scottish Parliament has, and the difference it makes.

The “Yes” campaign focused much of its attention on health throughout the past few weeks, creating an atmosphere in which the National Health Service was portrayed as at risk if people committed to remaining within the union. This is a common ploy adopted by political parties to frighten the electorate into defending a particular cause. It has the added effect of galvanising support and increasing turnout due to the fact that something held very dear and precious is deemed to be under threat. The discussion relating to not only the health service but to public services in general had been a popular feeding ground for the Scottish National Party throughout the referendum campaign.

They also took the opportunity to negatively associate the leader of the “No” campaign with the Coalition Government. Despite the fact that Darling had been a Labour Finance Minister, he was pegged as a part of the “Southern” collection of pro-union political parties considered to be very much against improving and providing extra funding to public services. Expressing opposition to the Conservatives posed obvious political benefits given the fact that in Scotland the party only possesses a single MP. Therefore, opposing Conservative policies and equating them with Labour as well as the junior coalition partners was a rational and logical strategy pursued by the “Yes” campaigners.

When evaluating the election results to the Scottish Parliament it is clear to see the social democratic preferences of the electorate which have been represented in Scottish governments that have been formed in the past. In some ways the Scottish electorate of the 2010s replicates the attitudes held throughout the whole of the United Kingdom half a century earlier. Currently in Scotland, much political credence is given to the idea of the welfare state, of social solidarity and social justice as well as to the notion of a caring-sharing society.

The political attitude throughout the United Kingdom in the 1960s was very much in favour of consensus politics with a focus on a well-supported welfare state and an accepted role for state intervention in the economy and in social life. Bearing this in mind, it becomes difficult to defend the argument that Scottish values are unique to Scotland. Those values have also been accepted and cherished throughout the rest of the union.

Certainly after the 1980s there has been a shift in the political ideology and economic philosophy behind these values throughout England. One can certainly argue that there is a differing English understanding of the economy and role of the state at present. This does not necessarily mean that different values are held; it certainly is possible that Scotland could relinquish its attachment to the welfare state and equally, the English could become more social democratic.

One can certainly trace the sense of antagonism felt by many Scots at the hand of the Westminster Parliament in general, and the Conservative Party in particular, due to the negative effects witnessed in Scotland throughout the Thatcher administrations of the 1980s. The Scottish economy was forcibly transformed within a decade and a half, which resulted in highly stressful and difficult hardships for many families. Whilst there are few who regret and lament the transformation per se, there are many who are severely critical of the manner in which the transformation took place.

The current diversified economy in which tourism, banking and footloose industries have accompanied traditional heavy industry is welcomed, yet the path that was pursued to reach this destination remains a highly sensitive sticking point in the collective consciousness. In both camps, many argued and firmly believed that a smoother path to economic diversification could have been chosen, but the Conservatives insisted on a much harsher, unnecessary one.

Despite such misgivings and critiques, the nationalists were unable to rally the electorate around the firm proposal for independence. The result vindicated the effective role of the Scottish Parliament and opened the door for a further transferral of authority and responsibility.

The post The Scottish Referendum – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Fatih Karimov

Iran is negotiating with 18 foreign companies to explore new oil and gas reserves in the country.

National Iranian Oil Company’s director for exploration, Hormoz Qalavand, said some of the companies have announced their readiness to implement explorations operations, Iran’s IRNA news agency reported on September 22.

To date, 40 hydrocarbon blocks have been defined in the country, he said, adding that 15 blocks may be proposed to foreign companies to be explored.

Iran’s oil reserves will last for another 60 years, according to Bahmani Soleimani, deputy director for exploration affairs at National Iranian Oil Company.

Bahmani also said that the country’s gas reserves will also last for another 200 years, Iran’s IRNA News Agency reported on Aug. 20.

“Iran is the world’s top country in term of success rate of exploration,” he said, adding that the success rate of Iran’s explorations is around 70 percent.

“Iran even registered the unprecedented rate of 90 percent in the Iranian calendar year of 1391 (which ended March 20, 2013),” Bahmani added.

The official said Iran has secured 95 percent of the successful explorations predicted in the Fifth Five-year Socio Economic Development Plan (2011-2015).

According to the Oil & Gas Journal, as of January 2014, Iran has an estimated 157 billion barrels of proved crude oil reserves, representing nearly 10 percent of the world’s crude oil reserves and 13 percent of reserves held by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

The post Iran In Talks With 18 Foreign Companies For Oil, Gas Exploration appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Indirect talks between Palestinian and Israeli officials will continue in the last week of October, a senior Hamas official said Tuesday.

Izzat al-Rishaq said that talks ended Tuesday and both sides presented their demands to be discussed in the next round of negotiations.

The Palestinian delegation demanded a permanent truce and ceasefire, the rebuilding of an airport and seaport, and the suspension of all sanctions imposed by Israel since June, including the release of rearrested prisoners and Palestinian MPs.

Earlier, Palestinian officials suspended talk for two hours after Israeli forces raided Hebron and killed two Palestinians suspected of orchestrating the kidnapping and murder of three Israeli teenagers in June.

Senior Hamas official Salah Bardawil blamed security coordination between Israel and the PA for the killings, saying that “this assassination couldn’t have succeeded without security coordination in the West Bank.”

The post Israel-Palestine Ceasefire Talks To Continue Late October appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Saudi Arabia’s air force participated in US-led bombing strikes against the so-called Islamic State (IS) militants in Syria on Tuesday as part of global efforts to eliminate terrorism, an official source said.

“The Saudi Royal Air Force participated in the military operations against IS in Syria, in support of the moderate Syrian opposition, and as part of the international coalition,” said the source. The coalition, he added, was formed to “eliminate terrorism, a deadly disease, and to support the brotherly Syrian people to restore security, unity and development in this devastated country.”

Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal, meanwhile, told a New York forum that Saudi Arabia would be in the forefront of global efforts to defeat terrorists. “We’ll never hesitate to participate in such serious international anti-terror operations,” he said.

Prince Saud expressed the Kingdom’s hope that the present campaign against IS militants would serve as a nucleus for an international coalition to strike and root out terrorism all over the world.

Bahrain and the UAE also confirmed their warplanes had taken part in the airstrikes on terrorists in Syria overnight. The Pentagon said Qatar also took part in the military action.

Meanwhile US President Barack Obama vowed more strikes against extremists in Syria. “We will not tolerate safe havens for terrorists who threaten our people,” Obama said.

The White House said US forces made separate strikes on its own against the Khorasan group, an Al-Qaeda affiliate, in order to disrupt planning for imminent attacks on the West.

“For some time now, we’ve been tracking plots to conduct attacks in the US or Europe,” Ben Rhodes, Obama’s deputy national security adviser, told reporters traveling with the president to the UN General Assembly meeting.

US and Arab strikes on militant targets in Syria overnight were just a start of a coalition effort to weaken IS.

“I can tell you that last night’s strikes were only the beginning,” Rear Admiral John Kirby, the Pentagon press secretary, told reporters. He said the strikes had been “very successful” and would continue.

The post Saudi Arabia Joins Airstrikes To Crush Islamic State appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Mohammed Fahad Al-Harthi

There was drama aplenty at the Arabian Gulf and Regional Challenges Conference in Riyadh last week with officials at each other’s throats over the current state of the Middle East, including the approach taken to fight the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
The tension was palpable between government officials, analysts and journalists as they gathered in the hall in Riyadh to tackle the main topic — ISIS and terrorism.

Naturally, the viewpoints and analyses of various speakers were based on their nationality, political position of their countries, and access to independent research.

Nathalie Goulet, a French senator, launched a vicious attack on the United States, holding it responsible for the current deplorable state of affairs in the Middle East. When she spoke, she looked directly at the American ambassador posted in Riyadh, Joseph W. Westphal, and accused the US and Europe of helping to create cross-border terrorist groups by showing weak leadership. Westphal responded diplomatically by saying that the US was committed to security and stability in the region.

Sitting in the front row, Chief Palestinian Negotiator Saeb Erekat kept shouting out that the international community was focusing too much on ISIS and forgetting that the core unresolved issue in the region remained the situation of the Palestinians.

Like the US, China came in for some harsh criticism and had to face a barrage of pointed questions on the Syrian issue. The Chinese ambassador in the Kingdom, in a quiet demeanor, said that his country was seeking political solutions to regional conflicts.

All the bluster and posturing could not deflect attention away from the critical questions facing everyone in the room. It is clear that ISIS will be defeated militarily. But what would the ramifications of this success be, would it simply mean that other extremist groups step seamlessly into the consequent void created by the US-led coalition forces?

The situation requires decisive action, lest we see Arab states collapse in front of our eyes. However, successfully lobbying Western nations for boots on the ground is increasingly unlikely considering the manner in which they handled the Syrian crisis, which led to this current complexity in the first place.

In Iraq, blame can be laid at the door of the Nuri Al-Maliki government for fostering sectarianism with its exclusionary policies. That regime’s focus on survival at all costs had created the ideal breeding ground for terrorist groups.

A coalition is the sum of its parts. While there has been strong international support for the fight against ISIS, there should be interrogation of the role played by Turkey. It is perhaps fitting that one speaker described Turkey’s borders as porous as Swiss cheese, meaning that terrorists were crossing its borders into Syria and Iraq.

Under these circumstances, it is important to consider how to deal with other radical groups in the region. In a move to undermine the credibility of ISIS, Al-Qaeda, the so-called Ahl Al-Haq groups, Hezbollah and the Houthis, Saudi Arabia’s Council of Senior Scholars made it clear this week that these organizations are responsible for an assortment of terrorist acts and must be outlawed.

Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Abdullah has stated that the Houthis are a clear threat to the Yemeni state, is disrupting the political process and development in that country, and is a danger to the region. For Saudi Arabia, the Houthis are no less dangerous than ISIS.

The delicate situation in the Middle East requires a detailed plan for the future. The stakeholders here cannot look at tackling one group in isolation, as if this is the only endgame in town. A multifaceted approach is required to effectively counter terrorism.

The current measures under way inspire little confidence in a happy ending. It reminds one of the joke about a clueless pilot trying to fly using a manual while up in the air. When he comes to the last page, he reads: “The instructions on landing follow in the next edition of the book.”

Email: malharthi@arabnews.com

The post Whither The Mideast After ISIS Defeat? – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Nick Simeone

President Barack Obama said today that he will use the coming days to build additional support for a coalition to confront the “serious threat to our peace and security” posed by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant terrorists.

Obama’s brief address from the South Lawn of the White House came just hours after the U.S. military announced that American forces — along with those from Bahrain, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates — had undertaken military action against ISIL in Syria, damaging or destroying multiple targets, including those at ISIL’s base in Raqqah.

‘Not America’s fight alone’

“The strength of this coalition makes it clear to the world that this is not America’s fight alone,” Obama said in televised remarks. “Above all, the people and governments of the Middle East are rejecting ISIL and standing up for the peace and security that the people of the region and the world deserve.”

Obama’s statement comes a month after U.S. airstrikes against ISIL targets began in neighboring Iraq, and it marks the start of the campaign by the United States and its allies to take the fight against the terrorist group to its stronghold in Syria. ISIL now holds wide swathes of territory in both countries.

“I made clear that as part of this campaign, the United States would take action against targets in both Iraq and Syria so that these terrorists can’t find safe haven anywhere,” Obama said today. Meanwhile, U.S. Central Command officials say U.S. airstrikes are continuing against ISIL targets in Iraq, with nearly 200 strikes having been carried out since they began last month.

In addition to attacking ISIL targets in Syria overnight, Obama and military officials say the United States — separate from the actions carried out with its coalition allies — struck a network of al-Qaida veterans in Syria known as the Khorasan group, attacks that Centcom officials said were intended to “disrupt the imminent attack plotting against the United States and Western interests.”

‘Will not tolerate safe havens for terrorists’

“Once again, it must be clear to anyone who would plot against America and try to do Americans harm that we will not tolerate safe havens for terrorists who threaten our people,” Obama said.

The president said he has received bipartisan support from leaders in Congress for the actions he has ordered, and that he will use his visit to the United Nations this week to continue building support for the coalition against ISIL. But he did sound a note of caution.

“The overall effort will take time,” he said. “There will be challenges ahead. But we’re going to do what’s necessary to take the fight to this terrorist group for the security of the country and the region and for the entire world.”

The post Obama Says He’ll Continue Building Support For Coalition appeared first on Eurasia Review.

A team of French-American researchers led by the UTINAM Institute (CNRS/Université de Franche-Comté)1 has just proposed a solution to the problematic chemical composition of Uranus and Neptune, thus providing clues for understanding their formation. The researchers focused on the positioning of these two outermost planets of the Solar System, and propose a new model explaining how and where they formed. Their results have been published in The Astrophysical Journal on September 20.

Uranus and Neptune, the outermost planets in the Solar System, each have a mass approximately fifteen times that of the Earth, consisting of up to 90% ice, and highly enriched in carbon. Because of these particular characteristics, the origin of the two planets remains unresolved today. Earlier models for their formation, as well as observations of the outer Solar System, could not explain how they formed in the area where they are found today. This area, which is located very far from the Sun, did not contain sufficient building blocks to form Uranus and Neptune quickly enough before the dissipation of the protosolar nebula. Once the nebula dissipated, it became impossible for the two planets to accrete gaseous envelopes.

The Herschel Space Observatory recently focused on the isotopic composition of Uranus and Neptune, and especially on the deuterium-to-hydrogen ratio (D/H), a tracer used in planetology to examine the origin of the elements that formed the Solar System. This isotopic ratio is very sensitive to the temperature of the protosolar nebula, being low close to the Sun, and increasing with the distance. Dynamic models suggest that Uranus and Neptune formed in the same distant region as the comets, and should therefore have a high D/H ratio. Surprisingly though, the Herschel measurements show that the D/H ratio in the two planets is much lower than that measured in comets.

This study solves all of these problems at once, by proposing a new model based on detailed simulations of the distribution and transport of the most abundant volatile elements in the Solar System’s protosolar nebula (H2O, CO and N2). These simulations show the presence of density “peaks” of solids in regions where nebular temperature is low enough for gas condensation (or ice lines). The results show that Uranus and Neptune apparently formed on the Carbon Monoxide (CO) ice line, which would explain why they consist of carbon-rich solids but nitrogen-depleted gas. Accretion of large quantities of CO with low quantities of cometary H2O gives the D/H value measured in the atmosphere of these planets. Moreover, since the nitrogen ice line is located slightly farther away, the planets formed naturally poor in nitrogen.. The proposed model gives carbon and nitrogen abundances that are consistent with observed values, and establishes that the formation of Uranus and Neptune took place in this distant region.

(1) The UTINAM Institute laboratory (CNRS/Université de Franche-Comté) is part of the THETA Observatory of the Sciences of the Universe in Franche-Comté/Bourgogne.

The post Origin Of Uranus And Neptune Elucidated? appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Around 40% of the total consumption of energy in Europe takes place in buildings, so reducing this consumption is becoming increasingly important. Integrating renewables into the energy supply for buildings is a further step towards moving towards this aim. The UPV/EHU-University of the Basque Country’s research group ENEDI has developed a modular device based on paraffins that allows thermal energy to be stored, thus reducing the total volume of the system by 50% with respect to storage by means of water, traditionally used in buildings.

Thermal energy storage is a common strategy in energy production systems in which the period of production does not coincide with that of consumption. This happens with the production of hot water by means of solar thermal panels, for example; here, hot water is produced during sunlight hours when demand is lower. It is also the case in residential cogeneration, where heat and electrical power are simultaneously generated but not so demand. In both cases, storing the heat allows production to be decoupled from demand, thus making the integration of these technologies into buildings more flexible. Here, it is normal for periods of energy production not to coincide with those when it is consumed.

Water tanks have been traditionally used to store heat. “They work well,” explained Álvaro Campos, a researcher on the project, “and water is very cheap, but large volumes are needed to achieve significant heat storage, which restricts their integration into homes, where the availability of space is very limited.”

The UPV/EHU research group ENEDI has developed a prototype with 50% less volume and more flexible in terms of design; it has a prismatic shape, is easy to integrate into buildings and offers optimum use of space. What is more, its modular nature allows the design to be easily changed.

The system is based on the use of latent heat from the solid-liquid phase change of materials known as PCMs (Phase Change Materials). “When we heat these materials they have the capacity, once they reach their phase change temperature, to start changing their state; and by keeping the temperature practically constant, they allow a very high quantity of energy to be stored; that way, we can achieve much greater energy density with smaller heat losses into the atmosphere,” explained Campos.

The device uses a commercial paraffin that melts at around 60 ºC. “It is very stable and has a long service life,” pointed out Campos. The paraffin is encapsulated inside aluminium plates which are arranged in such a way that channels are formed between them. The thermal loading and unloading process is carried out by making water circulate through these channels, so the hot water yields heat to the plates during the loading process and melts the encapsulated material; conversely, cold water is made to circulate through the channels so that the stored heat is recovered and the paraffin solidifies. Campos’ proposal solves one of the problems of PCMs which, owing to their low thermal conductivity, tend to take a very long time to yield the heat they have accumulated. “Our design is based on very thin metal plates which allow the heat to be extracted at a speed similar to that of water tanks,” he concluded.

According to Campos, one of the most attractive aspects of the system lies in its compact, modular nature. Water tanks need to be cylindrical and slim (tall and thin) if they are to function optimally. “We can achieve much more compact, prismatic shapes that can be fitted into any corner, even inside a false ceiling,” he remarked. “All this makes our proposal more than just an alternative to the water tank, because it offers the possibility of fitting a device for storing thermal energy in places and in applications where, owing to a lack of space, the fitting of a water tank may not be feasible,” added Campos.

Right now, work is being done to build a full-scale prototype that will be integrated into an experimental facility of the Quality Control in Building Lab (LCCE) of the Government of the Basque Autonomous Community, “to study how the equipment responds under actual operating conditions”.

Campos is optimistic about the competitiveness of the device. “We have something that could offer sufficient technical advantages as it is an attractive proposal irrespective of the final price.” The group is already working on other potential PCMs that allow greater storage capacity and are cheaper; they include fatty acids and other organic materials.

The post Paraffins To Cut Energy Consumption In Homes appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Chemists at the University of Leicester have reported a breakthrough in techniques to develop new drugs in the fight against diseases such as cancer and Alzheimer’s.

The team has developed an innovative process allowing them to generate a particular type of synthetic amino acid – and a particular type of designer protein – that has not been done before.

The advance is announced by the Jamieson Research Group in the Department of Chemistry at the University of Leicester. Their work, funded by the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC), is published in the Royal Society of Chemistry journal Organic and Biomolecular Chemistry.

Dr Andrew Jamieson, lead scientist, said: “We are very proud of this research, it has taken several years of hard work to master the chemistry techniques to create these new building blocks but now that we have conquered it we have access to new building blocks that people have only ever dreamed of before!”

Amino acids are Mother Nature’s building blocks. They are used to make all proteins and so are essential for life, however Mother Nature only uses twenty of these building blocks. The Leicester research involves the chemical synthesis of unnatural amino acids that can be used to make unnatural mini-proteins with new 3D structures and importantly new functions.

Dr Jamieson said: “We are particular interested in using our new building blocks to develop innovative new protein drugs for the treatment of cancer and Alzheimer’s disease.

“Unnatural amino acids, the building blocks, are described as chiral, meaning they have “handedness”. A robust synthesis to selectively produce molecules with a particular handedness has not previously been reported.

“Our new practical method allows us to selectively synthesise only the “right handed molecules”.

“This new research is important because it has uncovered a new, easier and quicker way to make these building blocks which can be used to make new drugs. We now have access to new building blocks to develop innovative new protein drugs for the treatment of disease.

“We are actively using these building blocks to develop new treatments for cancer and Alzheimer’s disease. We have also had a summer student use the building blocks to synthesise a toxin produced by a sea snail, and hope to develop this as a new pain killer.”

Dr Jamieson said innovative new strategies are required for drug discovery that can provide highly potent drugs with no side-effects. Access to these new building blocks is the first step in developing their innovative new protein drug strategy.

The post Scientists Create New ‘Designer Proteins’ In Fight Against Alzheimer’s And Cancer appeared first on Eurasia Review.

The UN refugee agency on Tuesday reported that it has witnessed a sharp increase in the number of Iraqis fleeing their country in recent weeks, with 60 per cent of those arriving in Jordan citing fears of ISIS militants as the reason for their flight.

UNHCR’s chief spokesperson, Melissa Fleming, told journalists in Geneva that 120 Iraqis per day on average have registered with the refugee agency in Jordan in August and September, up from 65 per day in June and July and just 30 per day in the first five months of this year.

“Almost two thirds of new arrivals (60 per cent) hail from ISIS-controlled areas in Ninewa, Salah Al Din and Anbar governorates,” Fleming said. “Refugees report their homes being burned, forced conversion to Islam, fears of forced marriage, kidnapping and public threats,” she added. The rest of the newly arriving refugees in Jordan have fled sectarian violence in Baghdad and Basra.

One father of three, a 32-year-old primary school teacher, told UNHCR how he saved his family from ISIS. They left at night and on foot from the northern Iraq town of Tal Usquf, carrying just one bag between them containing their life’s documents – a marriage certificate, passports and proof of school enrolments.

The man told UNHCR that his daughters cried all the way. “Two of his children were preparing for their final exams in high school, their education now on hold,” Fleming said in Geneva, adding: “Like many families who fled from violence on foot, Jassim had to leave behind an elderly relative – an uncle, confined to a wheelchair since birth.” The family has since learned that he died in Ninewa.

So far this year, more than 10,600 Iraqi refugees have registered with UNCHR in Jordan, with 1,383 registering in August alone – the highest monthly tally of new registrations since 2007.

Also in Jordan, for the first time since the Syrian war began more than three years ago, refugees from the northern governorates of the country – including from Raqqa – make up the majority of new arrivals. In the past, refugees from southern Syria have been more prevalent.

A daily average of 250 people a day are seeking asylum in Jordan through the north-eastern border crossing of Ruwashid. The number of refugees in Jordan citing ISIS as the reason for fleeing is on the increase.

Meanwhile in Turkey, some 103,000 Iraqi refugees have come forward to be registered by UNHCR or its partners, including 65,000 since ISIS forces took over the city of Mosul and surrounds in Ninewa governorate in June. “We know many thousands more are in the eastern part of Turkey and have yet to come forward for registration,” UNHCR’s Fleming said.

Last month, UNHCR carried out a profiling exercise among more than 2,500 Iraqis seeking to be registered with UNHCR’s partner in Ankara. Almost half of those interviewed said they had escaped ISIS attacks, while another 20 per cent said they fled for fear of ISIS attacks. A further 20 per cent indicated they had escaped sectarian violence. Almost half of all interviewed households were Kurdish, while 33 per cent were Arabs.

The post Sharp Increase In Number Of Iraqis Fleeing To Jordan And Turkey appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Billionaire Richard Branson may be the coolest boss ever.

The Virgin Group founder believes people should be able to take time off work whenever they want — no questions asked.

“It is left to the employee alone to decide if and when he or she feels like taking a few hours a day, a week or a month off,” Branson said in an excerpt from his new book “The Virgin Way: Everything I Know About Leadership” that was posted to his blog.

Branson said he’s introduced the “non-policy” at Virgin offices in the United States and the United Kingdom, and if all goes according to plan, he said he plans to encourage all of the company’s subsidiaries to stop counting vacation time.

The “non-policy” works under the assumption that employees will only take breaks from their jobs when they feel comfortable that their absence will not damage the business, the team or their careers, Branson said.

The mogul said he was first inspired to try out the policy after he said his daughter showed him a news article that mentioned how Netflix does not track vacation time.

“I have a friend whose company has done the same thing and they’ve apparently experienced a marked upward spike in everything –- morale, creativity and productivity have all gone through the roof,” Branson recalled his daughter telling him.

With unlimited vacation time, Branson’s employees will have time to seek out adventures like their leader, such as taking a hot air balloon across an ocean, hanging out on a private island or planning a trip to space, if they’re so inclined.

Branson isn’t the first billionaire to publicly advocate for a more flexible work-life balance.

In an interview over the summer, Google co-founder Larry Page said people shouldn’t have to work so hard.

“If you really think about the things you need to make yourself happy — housing, security, opportunity for your kids … it’s not that hard for us to provide those things,” Page said in an interview moderated by fellow billionaire, Vinod Khosla, that was posted to YouTube.

“The idea that everyone needs to work frantically to meet peoples’ needs is not true,” he said.

Page said the world should be living in a “time of abundance” in which robots and machines could help meet everyone’s basic needs much more easily.

With a more productive society, Page said he believed people would be happy to “have more time with their family or to pursue their own interests.”

The post Branson Wants Employees To Have Unlimited Vacation Time appeared first on Eurasia Review.

China harkens the Silk Road in foreign policy initiatives, but the history is less benign.

By Tansen Sen

The romantic concept of a historic Silk Road by which camel caravans wend among the mountains and deserts of Central Asia is back in the news. So is talk on reestablishing the maritime networks by which the Chinese Admiral Zheng He steered his naval armada across the Indian Ocean seven times. China’s leaders promote the ancient trade routes, most recently during the Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visits to countries in Central and South Asia, to emphasize the nation’s historic role as a harbinger of peace and prosperity.

One minor problem in China’s history-based campaign – the history is distorted.

In September 2013, less than a year after assuming the position of general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Xi launched new foreign policy initiative known as the “Silk Road Economic Belt.” In an address at Kazakhstan’s Nazarbayev University, calling for cooperation and development of the Eurasian region through this new Silk Road initiative, Xi presented five specific goals: strengthening of economic collaboration, improvement of road connectivity, promotion of trade and investment, facilitation of currency conversion, and bolstering of people-to-people exchanges.

A month later, at the 16th ASEAN-China Summit held in Brunei, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang proposed the building of a 21st century “Maritime Silk Road” to jointly foster maritime cooperation, connectivity, scientific and environmental research, and fishery activities. A few days later, in his address to the Indonesian Parliament Xi confirmed this idea and stated that China would devote funds to “vigorously develop maritime partnership in a joint effort to build the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st century,” stretching from coastal China to the Mediterranean Sea.

In both speeches, Xi underscored China’s historical linkages with the respective regions and suggested that his proposals were intended to reestablish ancient friendly ties in a modern, globalized world. In Kazakhstan, Xi credited the Western Han envoy Zhang Qian with “shouldering the mission of peace and friendship” and opening up the door for east-west communication and establishing the “Silk Road.” In Indonesia, he praised the Ming dynasty Admiral Zheng He for bequeathing “nice stories of friendly exchanges between the Chinese and Indonesian peoples.”

Not mentioned, however, are the backdrops of conflict and the push to spread a Sinocentric world order. In trying to portray the past as a utopian epoch, the purpose of Zhang Qian’s mission to the so-called Western Regions was misrepresented. The Han emperor dispatched Zhang to find an ally to fight the powerful Xiongnu Confederacy, the leading adversary of the Western Han Empire. Because of its expansionist policies, the Han Empire was responsible for transforming the originally nomadic Xiongnu people into a semi-state entity that offered resistance to the Han forces. In 138 BCE the empire sent Zhang to Central Asia to locate the Yuezhi people, previously routed by the Xiongnus. His mission was a failure, however, as he was captured by the Xiongnu and forced to marry a local woman. Escaping after 10 years of captivity, he found that the Yuezhi were not interested in a military alliance. Zhang Qian’s only contribution was to inform the Han court about the polities and people in Central Asia.

Similarly, the portrayal of Admiral Zheng He as an agent of peace and friendship is problematic. In reality, Zheng’s seven expeditions between 1405 and 1433 included use of military force in what are present-day Indonesia, Malaysia, Sri Lanka and India to install friendly rulers and control strategic chokepoints of the Indian Ocean. He intervened in dynastic politics of Sri Lanka and Indonesia and brought back prisoners to Nanjing, the Ming capital. Ming Emperor Yongle originally dispatched Zheng to the Western seas to look for his nephew whom he had deposed from the throne and to promote the virtues of the Chinese civilization. In the course of these expeditions, Zheng brought back many kings and princes to kowtow to the emperor and exchange gifts. The voyages were abandoned when it turned out to be too expensive and gave excessive power, in the view of the Confucian court officials, to eunuchs such as Zheng He.

The Han Empire used similar tactics in Central Asia, especially at strategic locations of the trade routes. Thus neither the overland route nor the maritime channels, termed collectively as the Silk Routes, were peaceful or fostered friendly exchanges through Chinese presence, as modern narratives would suggest.

There is also a problem with the term “Silk Road” or “Silk Routes.” German geographer Ferdinand von Richthofen coined the term in 1877 for the ancient overland trade route through Central Asia. Since then, many routes that linked China to the outside world have been called “Silk Roads” or “Silk Routes” despite the fact that silk was neither the earliest nor the most commonly traded commodity on any of these routes. Additionally, the term, enthusiastically employed by Chinese scholars, places unwarranted emphasis on the role of China in pre-modern intraregional interactions. This comes at the expense of neglecting external influence on Chinese societies and economies throughout the past 2000 years.

Perhaps, like many Chinese, Xi’s views about the Silk Roads were shaped by the PRC educational system that prevents critical analysis and proper deconstruction of historical sources. It’s also possible that Xi was genuinely influenced by the fact that his family hails from near the ancient Chinese capital Xi’an, known in history as Chang’an, a place recognized in history books as the starting point of the overland Silk Road. Either the president is unaware of the negative reactions that use of Chinese cultural symbolism in the arena of foreign policy induce among some foreign states or is adamant about pushing these through with the economic muscle China has toned over the past several decades.

Several countries are willing to accept these distorted historical narratives for economic reasons.

The Sri Lankan government, for example, last year received a gold-plated statue of Zheng as a gift from China’s International Tour Management Association. The two sides declared that Zheng He and his expeditions represented ancient commercial and peaceful relations between China and Sri Lanka. Neglected were the details that Zheng had instituted regime change in the region; abducted a local ruler, Alaskawera; and brought him to Nanjing as a prisoner. Zheng also carried off the famous Tooth Relic of the Buddha at Kandy, long a symbol of Sri Lankan political sovereignty.

Military conflict also took place in Indonesia, where some local newspapers applauded Xi’s proposals noting that they could bring “enormous opportunities for regional development.” Not of concern was the fact that in Sumatra, in 1407, Zheng had instituted a regime change by abducting a local ethnic Chinese leader named Chen Zuyi, whom the Ming court portrayed as a pirate. After Chen was publicly executed in Nanjing, he was replaced by a person representing the Ming court’s interest in the region. In the same year, Zheng also intervened in the internal affairs of the Majapahit polity in Java, seemingly to weaken the main regional power in Southeast Asia.

These military interventions like those in others regions that used the pretext of ushering in a harmonious world order under the Chinese Son of Heaven were objectives of the Zheng He expeditions.

The Silk Roads initiative of the Chinese government, with substantial influx of money and investment, could boost the economies of several countries in Asia and Europe that are willing to claim ancient links to the Middle Kingdom. For China, the success of the initiative will open new avenues for investing its vast monetary reserves. It will also mark a major step towards recreating the Chinese world order of the ancient times known as tianxia, that is, all regions of the known world that belonged to the heavenly-mandated emperor of China. This new world order will not be simply rhetorical, but could impose significant geopolitical implications.

About the author:
Tansen Sen is associate professor at Baruch College, The City University of New York. He specializes in Asian history and religions and has special scholarly interests in India-China interactions, Indian Ocean trade, Buddhism, and Silk Road archeology. He is the author of “Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400” (University of Hawai’i Press, 2003) and co-author (with Victor H. Mair) of “Traditional China in Asian and World History” (Association for Asian Studies, 2012).

Sources:
Nicola Di Cosmo, Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Edward L. Dreyer, Zheng He: China and the Oceans in the Early Ming, 1405–1433. New York: Longman, 2007.

Étienne de la Vaissière, Sogdian Traders: A History. Leiden: Brill, 2005.

Louise Levathes, When China Ruled the Seas: The Treasure Fleet of the Dragon Throne, 1405-1433. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Tansen Sen, “Changing Regimes: Two Episodes of Chinese Military Interventions in Medieval South Asia.” In Upinder Singh and Parul P. Dhar (Ed.), Asian Encounters: Exploring Connected Histories. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, forthcoming.

Geoff Wade, “Ming China’s Violence against Neighbouring Polities and Its Representations in Chinese Historiography.” In Upinder Singh and Parul P. Dhar (Ed.), Asian Encounters: Exploring Connected Histories. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, forthcoming.

The post Silk Road Diplomacy: Twists, Turns And Distorted History – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Between 550,000 and 1.4 million people in West Africa could be infected with the Ebola virus by January 20, 2015, according to a report issued on Tuesday by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

The top range of the estimate, 1.4 million, assumes that the number of cases officially cited so far, 5,864 according to the count kept by the World Health Organization, is significantly underreported, and that it is likely that 2.5 times as many cases, or nearly 20,000, have in fact occurred.

CDC emphasized that the projections, based on an epidemiological model that takes into account how many people each Ebola patient eventually infects as well as other factors, is based on data available in August. They therefore do not account for the recently announced U.S. government Ebola relief effort, which includes sending 3,000 members of the armed forces to the Ebola-stricken region.

“Extensive, immediate actions – such as those already started – can bring the epidemic to a tipping point to start a rapid decline in cases,” CDC said in a statement.

The agency’s best-case model projects that by getting 70 percent of patients into facilities where the risk for transmission is reduced and burying the dead safely, the epidemic would be “almost ended” by January 20.

Liberia in peril

A senior U.N. official warned the escalating Ebola crisis in Liberia is threatening the social fabric of the country, reversing many of the social, economic and political gains achieved since Liberia emerged from civil war.

U.N. special representative Antonio Vigilante said Tuesday the number of Ebola cases in Liberia is doubling every few weeks and stands at more than 3,000. About half of those infected have died.

“While in the last [few] years Liberia was growing at a very interesting rate, the projections for this year have already been slashed by half and perhaps now 70 percent,” Vigilante said.

“Production in the mining industry and the agricultural sector and the forestry sector are slowing down, and many in the concessions are actually closed or have had their activities reduced significantly.”

Vigilante said poverty is increasing as people lose their livelihoods, markets are short of supplies and people are going hungry because food prices are soaring.

Experimental drug trials

Meanwhile, it was revealed that experimential Ebola drugs will be tested in West Africa for the first time, as part of an initiative to quickly find treatments for the vicious disease.

A London-based charity, the Wellcome Trust, said Tuesday it is giving $5.2 million so a consortium of aid groups, research institutions and the World Health Organization can set up clinical trials at Ebola treatment centers.

There is currently no cure or vaccine for Ebola, which has infected more than 5,600 people and killed more than 2,800 in West Africa this year, mostly in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone.

The Wellcome Trust says drugmakers taking part in the project include Mapp Biopharmaceutical, whose untested Zmapp drug has been given to a small number of Ebola patients, as well as a Canadian company, Tekmira, and U.S.-based Sarepta.

Precise details of how the trials will be carried out are still under discussion. The Wellcome Trust says participating groups are working with health officials in the affected countries to choose the best sites for the trials.

WHO says the number of people infected with Ebola could grow at an “explosive” rate – exceeding 20,000 by November – unless more is done quickly to control the outbreak.

The New England Journal of Medicine published a report Tuesday by WHO’s Ebola Response Team warning that efforts to isolate patients, increase clinical care, safely bury bodies and engage the community must improve quickly to avoid a sharp increase in cases.

WHO Strategy Director Christopher Dye, a co-author of the report, says it is important to act now.

“One of the key messages that we want to get across is that we are now in the third explosive phase of growth of the epidemic,” he said. “This is an exponential increase with hundreds, going into thousands of cases per week, and if we don’t stop the epidemic very soon, this is going to turn from a disaster into a catastrophe.”

The report comes six months after the WHO was first notified of the Ebola outbreak. The virus has infected 5,864 people and killed 2,811.

Tuesday’s report says that although Ebola has been reported in many parts of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone, more than 90 percent of the cases have been in just 14 of 67 total districts in those countries.

WHO said Monday that the outbreak appears to have been stopped in Nigeria and Senegal, with no new cases in Nigeria since September 8 and none in Senegal since its first and only case was reported on August 29.

Another 30 to 40 U.S. military personnel are due to arrive in West Africa on Tuesday, joining 60 Americans already there, as part of the U.S. effort to combat Ebola. The United States has committed $175 million to help combat the outbreak and is sending 3,000 troops to the region to build field hospitals and provide logistical aid.

WHO has called for an end to flight cancellations and travel restrictions to the Ebola zone. It says these measures hamper international relief efforts and hurt the countries’ economies.

Lisa Schlein in Geneva contributed to this report.

The post CDC: Ebola Could Infect 1.4 Million People By 2015 appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Judie Kaberia and Simon Jennings

Rachel used to run a beauty salon in Nairobi’s Westgate shopping centre. A year ago, as she tried to escape from the carnage unleashed by Somali Islamist militants, she was hit by a grenade. She lost her right foot and still has shrapnel embedded in the other. Now on crutches, Rachel does not know whether she will be able to walk again and needs round-the-clock care from her family.

“Sometimes… I feel like running, but I remember my two feet were hurt. So I tell God to give me grace, but it is not easy,” she told IWPR. “Sitting in the house for long [periods] with pain here and there makes me feel more traumatised, but I know one day I will stand on my feet.”

A year on from the Westgate mall attack, Rachel is still coming to terms with her injuries.

“You don’t know what the doctors are going to tell you,” she said. “And then the nightmare of staying in the hospital for long – that is not what you had prepared for your life. It becomes more and more hard.”

According to the Kenyan government, 67 people died and more than 200 others were injured when al-Shabab militants stormed the four-storey shopping mall on September 21, 2013. The attackers took numerous hostages and retained control of the building for almost five days.

A bungled response by the security services meant police officers were shot by the military as they tried to take over the rescue operation.

On the first anniversary of the Westgate attack, analysts are questioning the nature of efforts made since then to upgrade the security agencies and combat the threat of al-Shabab.

Over the last 12 months, the Islamist group has carried out further attacks in Nairobi as well as in coastal parts of Kenya. In June, it carried out a raid in the town of Mpeketoni in the Lamu on the northeastern coast, killing more than 60 people.

Al-Shabab claims these attacks are retaliation for the Kenyan military’s ongoing intervention in southern Somalia, where it has been fighting the militants since 2011. The attacks are also a response to what the group sees as the Kenyan state’s mistreatment of Muslims, particularly in the coastal region where the killing of a number of clerics have gone unexplained.

The response from government leads some commentators to argue that it is not taking the threat seriously enough, and that improvements to the security system have fallen short of what is needed.

In April, the Kenyan security forces responded to a spate of attacks in the Nairobi suburb of Eastleigh by launching Operation Usalama Watch in this largely Somali-inhabited part of town. More than 4,000 suspected illegal immigrants and refugees, the bulk of them Somalis, were rounded up and held at a nearby stadium.

A subsequent report on the operation from the Independent Police Oversight Authority found that police were responsible for widespread misconduct, including several instances where officers took bribes in exchange for releasing detainees.

Following the al-Shabab attack on Mpeketoni in June, President Uhuru Kenyatta denied that the group had been involved and instead blamed “local political networks”. Al-Shabab had already claimed responsibility, and Kenyatta’s remarks were widely interpreted as an attempt to shift the blame onto the domestic political opposition.

Nic Cheeseman, director of the African Studies Centre at Oxford University, said Kenyans were worried that the government appeared more concerned about making political capital out of the al-Shabab threat than tackling the problem head on.

“For a lot of people, that [Kenyatta’s response to Mpeketoni] has completely distorted the debate away from where it should be – which is capacity, ability to respond, quality of information on the ground – to a sort of political game,” Cheeseman said. “Do they [the authorities], behind the scenes, know that it is al-Shabab and they are working on that? Or are they investing more of their money in dealing with the domestic opposition than they are with al-Shabab?”

SHORTCOMINGS STILL TO BE ADDRESSED

Experts say that if the government is serious about reforming its security services and responding to the threat of al-Shabab, there are several areas it needs to focus on.

The parliamentary inquiry into the Westgate attack identified shortcomings across the police, the military, the intelligence services and various government departments. Among its findings the report referred to a “general laxity and unresponsiveness among the police” in response to terror alerts in Nairobi, as well as widespread indiscipline, particularly within the Kenya Defence Forces.

Closed circuit television footage shot inside the mall during the siege showed soldiers looting shops while they were supposed to be taking control of the building.

Some commentators say the response to subsequent attacks is proof that little has changed in the last 12 months.

Mustafa Ali, a security expert and director of the Arigatou International NGO in Nairobi, pointed to the police’s sluggish response to the Mpeketoni attack, and said the government lacked “a framework or a strategy for counter-radicalisation”.

“There hasn’t been much that has been done [in the last year] to address the lapses in the police force itself,” Ali said. “The police force is still the old lethargic force; it is incapable of professionally apprehending terrorists or preventing major attacks.”

Others take a more sympathetic view, arguing that criticism of the police response to the Westgate attack could be misplaced given the early stage at which the military took over the operation. Similarly, claims that intelligence on Westgate or subsequent attacks was ignored or not acted on quickly enough are very difficult to verify.

Cheeseman pointed out that many of the failings in the police force and other security services come down to an ingrained lack of professionalism. Changing this would require patient work that could not happen overnight, he said.

“That goes back to the training you give them, the amount you pay them, the cultural ethos within the organisation, the leadership from the top,” Cheeseman said. “You can’t deal with that easily and quickly. That is a kind of lifetime generational shift to really work on.”

Wider questions remain about what exactly is being done to tackle the threat posed by al-Shabab and prevent a repetition of the Westgate attack.

IWPR approached both the head of Kenya’s police force, Inspector General David Kimaiyo, and the interior minister, Joseph Ole Lenku, for comment on improvements made over the last year, but they declined to be interviewed.

However, in an interview with Kenya’s Citizen TV in May this year, Lenku said the government was “doing more than enough” to keep Kenyans secure.

“There is a very clear and very elaborate long-term strategy on security by government,” he said.

In Nairobi, and especially around the city’s many Western-style shopping centres, there is little sign of an increased security presence. Most premises rely on private security companies whose staff are badly paid and poorly- trained.

“The security forces will get there by the time a bunch of hostages have been taken and the attack has started,” Cheeseman said. “They won’t get there to prevent it most of the time.”

He added that more investment and training were needed if security personnel were to become capable of detecting and preventing attacks. He said advice should be sought internationally from forces like London’s Metropolitan Police, which was forced to learn the lessons of a series of linked terror attacks in July 2005.

But particularly where the police were concerned, Cheeseman questioned whether there was the political will to take such steps.

“Kenyan politicians are very wary of making the police too professional,” he said, “because if you make the police too professional, they might turn around and start prosecuting people who are government supporters. There is a value to undermining the force.”

FIGHTING EXTREMISM AT SOURCE

Again, experts believe Nairobi’s response to the attack in Mpeketoni highlights what is missing.

Communities such as those in Lamu harbour a deep-rooted mistrust of the Kenyan government, particularly over land they feel belongs to them but has been given to others, and the sense that they will be excluded from economic development plans.

In a recent policy paper for the Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre, David Anderson, professor of African history at the University of Warwick, argued that these factors, coupled with the perception that Muslims were being victimised, made communities like this “soft targets” for recruitment by al-Shabab.

Turning a blind eye to these dynamics and alienating Muslim citizens with operations like Usalama Watch means that “the state is simply playing into al-Shabab’s hands”, he said.

When Kenyatta blamed the Lamu attacks on local politics, Anderson said, he was missing the point.

“Local politics was involved not to the exclusion of al-Shabab, but quite simply because al-Shabab is learning how to turn Kenya’s toxic politics to its own very dangerous and violent disadvantage,” Anderson wrote. “Al-Shabab recognises how effectively they can exploit local politics by harnessing it to their own cause.”

Judie Kaberia is Kenya Coordinator for ReportingKenya.net and Special Projects Reporter at Capital FM in Nairobi. Simon Jennings is IWPR’s Africa Editor.

This article is part of IWPR’s Kenya Security series. It was produced as part of a media development programme implemented by IWPR and Wayamo Communication Foundation in partnership with The Star newspaper and Capital FM. This article was published at IWPR’s ACR Issue 397.

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South Africa has signed an Intergovernmental Agreement on Strategic Partnership and Cooperation in Nuclear Energy and Industry with Russia.

The agreement lays the foundation for the large-scale nuclear power plants (NPP) procurement and development programme of South Africa. This will be based on the construction of new nuclear power plants in SA with Russian VVER reactors, with total installed capacity of up to 9.6 GW (up to 8 NPP units).

These will be the first NPPs based on the Russian technology to be built on the African continent.

Besides the actual joint construction of NPPs, the agreement also provides for comprehensive collaboration in other areas of the nuclear power industry.

These include construction of a Russian-technology based multipurpose research reactor, assistance in the development of South-African nuclear infrastructure and educating South African nuclear specialists in Russian universities.

This joint implementation implies a broad localization of equipment for the new NPPs, which will provide for brand-new development of various areas of South-African high-tech industries and will also contribute to the creation of a new highly skilled workforce and will allow South-African companies to further participate in Rosatom’s projects in third world countries.

The partnership was signed by the Minister of Energy Tina Joemat-Pettersson and the Director General of State Corporation, Rosatom, Sergey Kirienko in Vienna on the margins of the 58th session of the International Atomic Energy Agency General Conference.

Minister Joemat-Pettersson said nuclear power is an important driver for national economy growth.

The cooperation, she said, will also allow South Africa to implement the plans for the creation of 9.6 GW of new nuclear capacities, based on modern and safe technologies, by 2030.

“This agreement opens up the door for South Africa to access Russian technologies, funding, infrastructure, and provides a proper and solid platform for future extensive collaboration,” she said after signing the agreement.

Kirienko said South Africa will gain all the necessary competencies for the implementation of this large-scale national nuclear energy.

He said Rosatom seeks to create in South Africa a full-scale nuclear cluster of a world leader’s level – from the front-end of nuclear fuel cycle, up to engineering and power equipment manufacturing.

“In future, this will allow implementation of joint nuclear power projects in Africa and third world countries. But from the very start, this cooperation will be [aimed] at providing the conditions for the creation of thousands of new jobs and placing of a considerable order to local industrial enterprises worth at least US $10 billion,” Kirienko said.

Minister Joemat-Pettersson is leading a South African delegation to the 58th general conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which is discussing the status of nuclear power and technologies in the world and matters related to nuclear safety, nuclear security and technical co-operation.

The IAEA’s latest report on the status of nuclear power will be presented at the conference.

According to the report, there were 435 nuclear power reactors operating in 30 countries, and 72 reactors were under construction in 15 countries.

The report noted South Africa was one of four countries currently planning to build new nuclear power plants. Others were the United Kingdom, Sweden, Canada and Iran.

Minister Joemat-Pettersson also addressed the conference on Monday, where she highlighted developments in the nuclear sector in South Africa and its experience using nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.

“It is vitally important that we make nuclear power as safe as possible, as we continue to rely on it as part of our energy mix,” she said in her address.

In this regard, she said South Africa welcomes the agency’s continued efforts to strengthen the global nuclear safety framework and the support it provides to nuclear safety infrastructure development in member states that are introducing nuclear power or expanding their existing programmes.

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Air strikes overnight hit Islamic State-held territory in Syria near the Turkish border, near an area that tens of thousands of Kurds have fled as the militant group advanced, an organization that tracks the Syrian war said on Wednesday, Sept 24, according to Reuters.

Rami Abdulrahman, who runs the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, said the warplanes that carried out the raids around 30-35 km (19-22 miles) west of the city of Kobani, also known as Ayn al-Arab, had come from the direction of Turkey.

There was no other confirmation of air strikes in the area and Reuters said it could not independently verify the report.

Abdulrahman said it was not clear which country had carried out the strikes, although the planes were not believed to be from the Syrian air force, he said. Abdulrahman’s Observatory gathers its information from a network of sources across Syria.

A U.S.-led alliance started air strikes on Islamic State in Syria on Tuesday. Islamic State, which has captured land in Syria and Iraq, launched an offensive against the predominantly Kurdish town of Kobani last week, forcing more than 130,000 Syrian Kurds to flee.

A local official in central Kobani said he had not heard any air strikes close to the town overnight, but that fighting continued between Kurdish forces and Islamic State, which has been trying to consolidate its territory across northern Syria.

Idris Nassan, deputy minister for foreign affairs in the Kobani canton, said Islamic State remained around 15 km from the town in the east and west but had advanced in the south to within 10 km after heavy clashes with Kurdish forces.

“Now I hear the noise of mortars in the south,” he told Reuters by telephone. “Islamic State gathered heavy forces there. So did the YPG but Islamic State pushed them back.”

The YPG is the main Kurdish armed group.

Redur Xelil, spokesman for the YPG, said Islamic State was still pushing to take the town, despite the start of U.S.-led air strikes against the group in Syria.

“They did not withdraw from any positions and the battles are still continuing at their most intense level in Kobani and also in Ras al-Ayn,” he said, referring to Syrian territory further east along the border.

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