By Mansour Al-Nogaidan*

The following is the text of a speech by Mansour Alnogaidan, Director General of Al-Mesbar Center for Studies and Research. It was delivered on February 25 in Paris, at the headquarters of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), on the occasion of the signing of a cooperation agreement between Al-Mesbar and UNESCO in support of countering violent extremism and promoting a culture of tolerance. FPRI is proud to have partnered with Al-Mesbar Center on the publication of an E-Book in February 2013.
Madam Director General of UNESCO,

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Please allow me, on behalf of all of my colleagues and friends here, to express my solidarity with the people of France and Denmark, with journalists and the press, and with the Jewish communities that have been targeted by terrorist extremists in Paris, Copenhagen and Brussels. It pains me that such crimes are perpetrated in the name of Islam, a religion whose very name is derived from the word “peace.” This dark ideology has been persecuting, torturing and killing countless innocent Muslim victims in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Nigeria, as well as many Christians and Yezidis.

Before us today lies a challenge that has been described as a “generational struggle against a poisonous political ideology.” The question is: how can we, as civil society actors, unite our capacities to prevail over this enemy which has been mobilizing thousands of our youths – Arab and European? We are in a daily struggle in which the internet has also become one of the biggest battle grounds, with extremist propaganda traveling freely in cyberspace without any supervision or accountability or condemnation, serving as a major recruitment tool for terrorist organizations drawing to their ranks young people from all countries, including democratic nations.

Since the founding of Al Mesbar Center for Studies and Research nine years ago, the Center has published some 100 books in Arabic which monitor, analyze, and confront the conduct and ideology of political Islamist groups and organizations. Also highlighted and discussed in our books are issues of ethnic and religious minorities and the status of women in our region. We regularly hold conferences, training seminars, and workshops with policymakers and media experts about these issues, in addition to offering advice and recommendations to key policymakers in the region. We have concluded from our experiences that our region suffers from a frailty in its foundations that does not allow for enlightened ideas to prosper and win the battle of hearts and minds against extremism. Part of the problem lies in the absence of tolerance, dialogue, and respect for the other — the very values that have assembled us all here. This particularly affects ethnic and religious minorities, who find themselves victims of every upheaval in the region.

There are numerous factors that contribute to the growth and spread of terrorism, and addressing such underlying causes helps us in our mission to find a solution to this problem and be more successful in helping our societies and our youth. But however significant political, social, and economic factors may be in nurturing terrorism, we must not overlook the fundamental fact that lies in front of us in every direction: the common denominator uniting all these terrorist groups across the globe is the radical religious ideology. I do not exaggerate in saying, based on our experience, that religious thought in and of itself, even in its strict form, does not necessarily produce terrorism. But conversely, even moderate religious thought can become a source of terrorism and violence if it morphs into a totalitarian ideology.

Here I am not addressing a particular religion, or followers of any particular faith or sect. I am referring to the ideological, religious, and intellectual reservoir that feeds these groups. In other words, we are pursuing the nest of the snake. This is the major battle which enlightened Muslims — be they clerics, intellectuals or thinkers — must wage first and foremost within our faith community, so as to find support from our counterparts in other religions and cultures. A ray of hope lies in publicly discussing these ideas through dialogue: exposing the sources of fear, the causes of anxiety, and the reasons for marginalization, and ways in which we can help our young men and women create a more peaceful, less violent future.

Our ability to challenge the painful realities of today is manifested in how far we can venture beyond our comfort zone, how we can show the courage to discuss the ideas and ideologies that these organizations base themselves upon, and how we can support a culture of tolerance and respect, through programs and projects that revive hope among young people and encourage them to engage in dialogue and inculcate in them a culture of peace. Herein lies our responsibility as a center dedicated to these values.

Since January 2007, we have worked with hundreds of experts around the world in the production of our monthly books, some of which focus on the religious ideas and foundations that feed terrorists and radical groups. Some of these books address the circumstances that contribute to the rise of terrorism and the social environment that harbors it. Initially, we focused on tracing the fine line between religious strictness as a factor of extremism, and the role of such extremism in the violence which has some grounds in the religious interpretation of the Qur’an and Shari’a.

After the horrible terrorist attack on January 7th in Paris, which targeted free speech in France and claimed innocent lives, and amid the international panic that followed, there were Islamist activists on social media expressing their sympathy with the criminals through religious justifications from Islam’s most hideous and cruel interpretations. Such behavior serves as a reminder that the scourge of terrorism and death must not lead us to ignore the innate extremism of the ideology, and forms of political organizations that exploit religion as a cover for their objectives.

Millions of Muslims live in France and millions of others live across Europe. The vast majority reject and condemn terrorism and violence and are repelled by extremism. Numerous Muslims have expressed sympathy with the victims, and elite intellectuals and clerics have written to explain their views. We must encourage and back these elites in order to advance a brave reformist movement which will expose the religious doctrines, dogmas, and interpretations that have poisoned the souls of youth and turned them into monsters endangering their own communities. Although such groups are dispersed among several continents, they share one ideology and a similar interpretation of faith. Their common denominator is the ideology.

Many Muslim thinkers have written extensively about the doctrine of Muslim minorities born and bred in the West. Many arguments have arisen about a “European” brand of Islam that can help Muslim youth become good citizens, integrated in their countries. Over the years, Al-Mesbar has published several books that explore whether European Muslims can have a different experience which can eventually inspire us in the Arab region and set an example for us to follow as a way to overcome our own civilizational crisis. However, it appears that the road ahead is long and winding, and the responsibility of Muslim intellectuals has doubled in helping Muslim youth in Europe to better integrate with the communities of their birth. Al-Mesbar can be a partner of UNESCO in reviving hope through programs and projects that encourage dialogue and promote a culture of peace.

In order to outdo ourselves, we must acknowledge our equal status with followers of other religions, sects, communities, and cultures. We must overcome the racial, cultural, and rigid religious ideas that distort the other. We must have the confidence to discuss several “untouchable,” critical matters. We must accept integration and identification with different cultures, religions, and societies. I can mention in this regard examples such as accepting interreligious marriages, or even conversion from one faith to another.

Al-Mesbar plans to convene a conference revolving around interreligious dialogue next September, which will be attended by an elite group of thinkers representing several religions. We also aim to conduct an “International Forum for Rapprochement Among Cultures” in the first quarter of 2016, with the participation of several institutions and organizations in this field. On the sidelines of the forum, we will also convene workshops for youth regarding interreligious dialogue and efforts to activate the role of arts — especially music — in supporting love, tolerance, and mutual acceptance.

I believe the road to change is paved with three fundamentals: First, encouraging the culture of dialogue, tolerance, and acceptance of the other; second, supporting discourses of globalizing Islam, or returning Islam to its non-political roots; and third, reviving the idea of “individualist faith,” which is strongly grounded in our Muslim heritage, but is vigorously assaulted by religious fanatics.

Finally, we will not achieve what we aspire to unless religious authorities bear their responsibilities, and unless we promote the role of education, which is, in the words of Nelson Mandela, “the most powerful weapon to change the world”.

Source: This article was published by FPRI.

The post How To Prevail Against A Poisonous Ideology – Speech appeared first on Eurasia Review.

A new type of methane-based, oxygen-free life form that can metabolize and reproduce similar to life on Earth has been modeled by a team of Cornell University researchers.

Taking a simultaneously imaginative and rigidly scientific view, chemical engineers and astronomers offer a template for life that could thrive in a harsh, cold world – specifically Titan, the giant moon of Saturn. A planetary body awash with seas not of water, but of liquid methane, Titan could harbor methane-based, oxygen-free cells.

Their theorized cell membrane, composed of small organic nitrogen compounds and capable of functioning in liquid methane temperatures of 292 degrees below zero, is published in Science Advances, Feb. 27. The work is led by chemical molecular dynamics expert Paulette Clancy and first author James Stevenson, a graduate student in chemical engineering. The paper’s co-author is Jonathan Lunine, director for Cornell’s Center for Radiophysics and Space Research.

Lunine is an expert on Saturn’s moons and an interdisciplinary scientist on the Cassini-Huygens mission that discovered methane-ethane seas on Titan. Intrigued by the possibilities of methane-based life on Titan, and armed with a grant from the Templeton Foundation to study non-aqueous life, Lunine sought assistance about a year ago from Cornell faculty with expertise in chemical modeling. Clancy, who had never met Lunine, offered to help.

“We’re not biologists, and we’re not astronomers, but we had the right tools,” Clancy said. “Perhaps it helped, because we didn’t come in with any preconceptions about what should be in a membrane and what shouldn’t. We just worked with the compounds that we knew were there and asked, ‘If this was your palette, what can you make out of that?'”

On Earth, life is based on the phospholipid bilayer membrane, the strong, permeable, water-based vesicle that houses the organic matter of every cell. A vesicle made from such a membrane is called a liposome. Thus, many astronomers seek extraterrestrial life in what’s called the circumstellar habitable zone, the narrow band around the sun in which liquid water can exist. But what if cells weren’t based on water, but on methane, which has a much lower freezing point?

The engineers named their theorized cell membrane an “azotosome,” “azote” being the French word for nitrogen. “Liposome” comes from the Greek “lipos” and “soma” to mean “lipid body;” by analogy, “azotosome” means “nitrogen body.”

The azotosome is made from nitrogen, carbon and hydrogen molecules known to exist in the cryogenic seas of Titan, but shows the same stability and flexibility that Earth’s analogous liposome does. This came as a surprise to chemists like Clancy and Stevenson, who had never thought about the mechanics of cell stability before; they usually study semiconductors, not cells.

The engineers employed a molecular dynamics method that screened for candidate compounds from methane for self-assembly into membrane-like structures. The most promising compound they found is an acrylonitrile azotosome, which showed good stability, a strong barrier to decomposition, and a flexibility similar to that of phospholipid membranes on Earth. Acrylonitrile – a colorless, poisonous, liquid organic compound used in the manufacture of acrylic fibers, resins and thermoplastics – is present in Titan’s atmosphere.

Excited by the initial proof of concept, Clancy said the next step is to try and demonstrate how these cells would behave in the methane environment – what might be the analogue to reproduction and metabolism in oxygen-free, methane-based cells.

Lunine looks forward to the long-term prospect of testing these ideas on Titan itself, as he put it, by “someday sending a probe to float on the seas of this amazing moon and directly sampling the organics.”

Stevenson said he was in part inspired by science fiction writer Isaac Asimov, who wrote about the concept of non-water-based life in a 1962 essay, “Not as We Know It.”

Said Stevenson: “Ours is the first concrete blueprint of life not as we know it.”

The post Life ‘Not As We Know It’ Possible On Saturn’s Moon Titan appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury*

Not too many Grecian analogies can be drawn with regard to the tumultuous on-going turmoil in Bangladesh which passes for politics. However, one expression, borrowed from the ancient classics, could be apt while describing the ‘battle of the two Begums’ (Sheikh Hasina, the Prime Minister who heads the Awami League, and Khaleda Zia, leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which is the principal political opposition, operating not within but outside the Parliament having boycotted the elections of 5 January 2014).

It is: ‘When Greek meets Greek, then comes the tug of war”. In the seemingly irresolvable tugging of the rope between the two leaders, neither appears inclined to give in an inch. Holed up in her city office in Dhaka, Khaleda is bent on bringing the government down from the streets with agitation that grows more violent by the day. The government is equally unrelenting, using force to the maximum, and incarcerating innumerable activists, with or without due process. It is a feud that does not make the blindest bit of sense to any observer, domestic or foreign, except to confirm the received wisdom that politics is all about the acquisition of power, by means both fair and foul.

Into the cauldron of chaotic simmer and ferment, a third Bengali-speaking lady-leader threw herself in, from the state of West Bengal in India, just across the border: the irrepressible Chief Minister from Kolkata, Mamata Banerjee. She chose this moment, in the third week of February 2015, to make a three-day trip to Dhaka, obviously with a bit of thought. Previously, her popularity in Bangladesh had been at its nadir, particularly when in 2011, she prevented Manmohan Singh, India’s then Prime Minister, from signing the Teesta water-sharing pact with Bangladesh, which Dhaka badly wanted and needed. She has also been instrumental in blocking the Land Boundary Agreement between India and Bangladesh, as also the exchange of enclaves that has been hanging fire for decades. In 2005 she once hurled a sheaf of papers at her legislative chair in protest against the enrollment of alleged ‘illegal migrants’ from Bangladesh in the Indian voters’ list. Recently she has been uncharacteristically chummy with the Jamaat, a right-wing Muslim party that is viewed suspiciously in Muslim-majority Bangladesh but could help swing the Muslim vote-bank in Hindu-majority West Bengal. Mamata, perhaps sagaciously assessed that now was the time to go to Bangladesh, where the polity was too divided to confront her substantively, and when she hoped her presence would provide a welcome interlude in the violence marring the entire socio-political system of the host country, and when she could actually respond without responsibility, without having to walk the talk. Also, she wanted to poke Narendra Modi, India’s current Prime Minister, in the eye by widening her own regional acceptance, which would be adding salt to Modi’s wounds after his massive discomfiture in the Delhi elections, a prospect that warmed the cockles of her heart, given her deep ambivalence towards the new Indian Prime Minister.

For maximum effect, she timed it to be able to participate in the observance of ‘Ekushey February’ (‘Twenty-first February’), the day when Bangladesh reverently remembers the martyrs who laid down their lives to make Bengali the national language of then Pakistan six decades ago. This is a deeply sentimental day for the Bengali psyche and sentiment, a watershed point in their national consciousness; to stand shoulder to shoulder with the fellow- Bengali speakers on such an occasion was an enormously powerful and rewarding tactic. The cultural affinity was underscored by Mamata’s choice of her travelling companions, who were not dour diplomats, but singers and screen celebrities. They included Munmun Sen, a parliamentarian in her own right, but more importantly for Bangladeshis, the daughter of the legendary Suchitra Sen, the eternal, though recently deceased, heroine of the heart of all Bengali cine-goers. Almost bored by the constant focus on gory nature of recent happenings, the Bangladeshi media turned its full attention on Mamata and the visit, and the public ecstatically responded. At a dinner at the Indian High Commissioner’s residence, Mamata literally sang for her supper by bursting into a Bangladeshi patriotic tune, to the cheer of a rare joint get-together of all shades of Bangladeshi politicians.

But what was the substance in terms of the outcome? Here, when the dust raised by the storm of enthusiasm for the visit settles down, the score card will be seen to be unimpressive. There was no forward movement on any issue that divides the two sides. It was only that in a gush of emotive sentimentality, the two Bengals were only momentarily intertwined. Soon reality will dawn on the media, and the public, as it is already happening, and then the great danger is that all will be back to square one! In all fairness to her, Mamata could not engage in actual Indo-Bangladesh bilateral diplomacy. Foreign relations is an area where normally Delhi should call the shots; but through her verbal commitments, Mamata may have, both by design and default, queered the pitch for Modi. Foreign policy is clearly a central responsibility, and it could become an enormous issue for Delhi if states in India are allowed to run away with it. So, in theory, Mamata’s commitments are neither fish, flesh, fowl, nor good red herring, as far as Modi is concerned. But it could get awkward for him if these are accorded credibility in Dhaka. All these would render his despatch of the Indian Foreign Secretary, which is on the cards, to Bangladesh both urgent and important.

Modi had earlier feared to rush in to the Bangladeshi situation where, he may have surmised, angels would fear to tread, though Mamata obviously had not. In Dhaka, Mamata asked for patience on Teesta, and may have been able to buy sometime, even for Modi on this and other issues, but in broad South Asian politics, patience is traditionally in short supply! At a meal for Mamata, Hasina served up some delectable ‘hilsa’ fish that the visitor relished. Thereupon, in a remark reflecting both wit and wisdom, Hasina suggested the exchange of ‘hilsa’ for water, which might make amusing sense to the fish-loving Kolkata Bengalis, though it might not tempt the austere vegetarians who rule from Delhi.

With the visit over, so was the pleasant optical and verbal diversion that for a short time brought relief to the Bangladeshis, otherwise in torment over the way the tide of their politics was flowing. For them it was back to bluster, bombs, and blockades. This, despite the fact that the people are now exhausted. And history is replete with examples, all over the world, of how political exhaustion can produce unsavoury consequences that no protagonist really wants. But politicians do have the uncanny capacity to persuade themselves that history never repeats itself, and often against the grain of logic, are unwilling to take lessons from it.

About the author:
*Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury is Principal Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), an autonomous research institute at the National University of Singapore. He is a former Foreign Advisor (Foreign Minister) of Bangladesh, and he can be contacted at isasiac@nus.edu.sg. Opinions expressed in this paper, based on research by the author, do not necessarily reflect the views of ISAS.

Source:
This article was published by ISAS as No. 362 – 24 February 2015 (PDF)

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By Hossein Mofidi Ahmadi, Ph.D.*

An identity-based approach to Turkey’s foreign policy will be a better way to explain actions taken by this country subsequent to developments known as the Arab Spring. It means that Turkey’s foreign policy actions at that juncture, like other actors in the region, were rooted in the country’s identity. In fact, it was due to the influence of three-tier identity of Turkey, which has European, Islamic and Turkish components in it, that the country has taken such actions as taking part in a coalition of Arab and Western countries to overthrow the ruling regime of Syria. Other actions taken by Ankara that arose from that identity included expression of concern about the rising influence of Iran and other Shia groups in the region, having doubts about joining the anti-ISIS coalition despite Turkey’s concerns about increasing power of this terrorist group, criticism of the West’s double standards in the region, attaching importance to expansion of democratic and overarching governments in the region, and expressing concern over rising global popularity of Kurdish people.

Turkey’s foreign policy actions following the developments that have come to be collectively known as the Arab Spring arose from the country’s identity components, as has been the case with other regional countries. The most important of Turkey’s identity components include its Turkish, Islamic and European layers. These three identity layers have been manifest in the policies of the Justice and Development Party as the ruling party. At the same time, they have been evident in the action taken by social groups that support the party and which are currently considered as the most influential political, social and economic currents in Turkey.

From the viewpoint of the European layer of Turkey’s identity, a change in the country’s former policy of détente with regard to Syria following the wave of Arab revolutions, and alliance of Ankara with a large group of European states for the overthrow of the Syrian regime, were not unrelated to Turkey’s efforts to attune its domestic and foreign policies with Europe. First of all, a change in Turkey’s approach to Syria came about gradually and in early stages of Syria crisis when Ankara was trying to mediate between belligerent sides. By the way, the balance between security and freedom in Syria is currently turning into a very important discourse because this country sees its security hinged on the establishment of more democratic and broad-based governments in its periphery. Even within Turkey, despite some problems, we are currently witnessing gradual strengthening of a special discourse which is characterized by a more broad-based definition of governance. It is through such a discourse that Turkey considered regional revolutions as major efforts made by nations to get rid of their dictatorial rules. On the other hand, Ankara saw its own interests dependent on making efforts to help establish more democratic and more broad-based governments in its surroundings. In fact, from the viewpoint of Turkish officials, absence of broad-based nation-states in the region is one of the most important factors that have caused a wide gap between Shias and Sunnis in the Arab Middle East.

The Islamic layer of Turkey’s identity has, for its own part, had remarkable effects on the regional policies of Ankara. Since this layer is mostly inclined toward Sunni Islam, Turkey feels alarmed about expanding influence of Iran and other Shia groups in the region. Secondly, this identity layer has made rulers of Turkey suspicious of the policies and goals pursued by the Western countries in the region. For example, a large group of the elites and politicians in Turkey have been slamming West for what they call Western double standards, including the inaction of the Western countries in the face of Israel’s barbaric invasion of Gaza or their passivity in the face of what Turkey considers as the crimes committed by the Syrian regime against its own people. They consider such inaction and passivity as one of the main factors that have helped such terrorist groups as the ISIS to gain power. Another effect that this identity layer has had is on the model of governance that Turkish politicians proposed for the Arab world following the Arab Spring developments. Turkish officials maintain that their purposed model combines freedom-seeking with search for Islamic identity and, thus, can save citizens in regional countries from the purgatory in which they have to choose between the currently dominant totalitarian models, or the model offered by theocratic Islamists figures. For these reasons, Turkish officials believe that establishment and strengthening of ideas and institutions arising from Salafist and jihadist way of thinking and focus on reviving the old form of the Islamic caliphate will lead to the collapse of nation-states in the region and is, therefore, a major rival for Turkey’s proposed model.

From the viewpoint of the Turkish layer of the country’s identity, the most important issue is the link between recent developments in Iraq and Syria, on the one hand, and the issue of Kurds, as the most strategic security and identity-related problem for Turkey, on the other hand. During recent years, Ankara has been very intent on introducing a new concept of being Turkish, which would also include the Kurdish minority in the country. This process, which has come to be known as “normalization of the Kurdish problem,” faced a serious challenge due to the sudden breakout of regional developments, which have been described as Arab Spring. In fact, as the issue of Turkey’s Kurds has been desecuritized in a step by step manner, the issue of separatist Kurds has been, on the contrary, greatly securitized. Reasons for this issue include establishment of a semi-independent Kurdish region in the northern part of Iraq as well as creation of independent Kurdish colonies in Syria.

There is also another important issue in this regard: Due to widespread involvement of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the recent war against the ISIS terrorist group both in Iraq and Syria, Turkey has been founding it increasingly difficult to make a political and military decision about the involvement of Ankara in the war against the ISIS. This issue alone is a powerful sign of the concern that the ruling elite of Turkey has about the effect of the Kurdish fight against the ISIS in increasing the popularity and subsequent activities of separatist Kurdish groups. In the meantime, further expansion of nationalistic and socialistic ideas of the PKK and the Democratic Union Party (PYD) has also stirred a great deal of concern among Turkish officials. Such concern will further increase if Kurds manage to stabilize their position in northern Syria. The Turkish officials are also of the opinion that withdrawal between July and August 2011 of Syria’s security forces from northeastern and northwestern parts of the country and from cities and towns close to the common border between Turkey and Syria, was done with the goal of engaging Turkey in a conflict with Kurds and shifting Ankara’s focus from toppling the Syrian regime.

Attention to identity dimensions of foreign policy interactions of Turkey and other important regional players will help analysts have a more realistic understanding of foreign policy strategies of these players. This understanding will also help better understanding of regional coalitions and rivalry among such countries as Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia. It will specially help analysts have a better grasp of the nature of institutions which would be able to introduce a new regional order in the era that follows the Arab Spring. At the same time, attention to various layers of Turkey’s identity will lead to better understanding of various reasons behind Turkey’s concern about establishment of independent Kurdish political units. It also shows why Turkey is paying so much attention to the need for the establishment of more democratic and broad-based governments in the region, why it criticizes West’s inaction and double standards; why it is concerned about establishment and further strengthening of Salafist and jihadist groups; and why Ankara is so much worried about the expansion of the influence of Shia Muslims in the region, or why it is still in doubt about joining the anti-ISIS coalition.

 *Hossein Mofidi Ahmadi, Ph.D. in International Relations
Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran

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Prominent film critic Zaven Ghokasian passed away on February 20 at the age of 65 in his home in Isfahan following a long battle with stomach cancer. Ghokasian had spent five months in hospital in Austria and underwent stomach surgery in September. On January 27 he finally returned to his hometown of Isfahan. Upon return to Iran he was again where he was transferred to hospital undergoing more general exams and after about two weeks around February 10 finally he returned home where he had to finally surrender in the battle against cancer.

Ghokasian was born in 1951 in Isfahan and graduated with a bachelor in chemistry from university of Isfahan. His mother, Ada Atayan, was one of the young cinema lovers that frequented the newly established Cine Club in Isfahan in the 1950s. She then became Zaven’s first introduction to cinema and film magazines.

In 1970 Arby Avanesian Armenian- Iranian auteur filmmaker went to Isfahan to film Cheshmeh and Zaven found himself drawn to his film sets. He met with Avanesian and was deeply influenced by him which made him further pursue studies and research in film. In 1972, Ghukasian published his first book on film titled Dar Bareye Cheshmeh (About Cheshmeh), an analysis of Avanesian’s film by the same title. He also went on to work as an amateur filmmaker with 8mm film and later became head of Isfahan’s Free Cinema. All My Children, Another Season and Old Bride are amongst the titles of his films. Armenian artists and customs of Iranian-Armenians were some of the chief subjects of his films.

Ghokasian has published 24 books on Iranian filmmakers and actors such as Abbas Kiarostami, Bahram Beyzai, Bahman Farmanara and Fatemeh Motamedarya. Ghokasian also served on numerous judging panels in film festivals in Iran, Austria, Italy and Armenia and wrote hundreds of articles and film reviews and critiques in his 43 years as a film critic.

He researched extensively about oral history and documentary filmmaking. He also held teaching positions in Tehran’s Soureh University and Isfahan’s Sepehr University.

During his hospitalization in Austria, the ailing film critic was visited by a number of Iranian filmmakers and artists including Abbas Kiarostami. Asghar Farhani, Heshmat Arash Riyahi. Farhad Varharam and Fatemeh Motamedarya.
Zaven Ghokasina will be laid to rest in the Cemetery of Armenians in Isfahan next to his parents.

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The New York Times reports: The reports are like something out of a distant era of ancient conquests: entire villages emptied, with hundreds taken prisoner, others kept as slaves; the destruction of irreplaceable works of art; a tax on religious minorities, payable in gold.

A rampage reminiscent of Tamerlane or Genghis Khan, perhaps, but in reality, according to reports by residents, activist groups and the assailants themselves, a description of the modus operandi of the Islamic State’s self-declared caliphate this week. The militants have prosecuted a relentless campaign in Iraq and Syria against what have historically been religiously and ethnically diverse areas with traces of civilizations dating to ancient Mesopotamia.

The latest to face the militants’ onslaught are the Assyrian Christians of northeastern Syria, one of the world’s oldest Christian communities, some speaking a modern version of Aramaic, the language of Jesus.

Assyrian leaders have counted 287 people taken captive, including 30 children and several dozen women, along with civilian men and fighters from Christian militias, said Dawoud Dawoud, an Assyrian political activist who had just toured the area, in the vicinity of the Syrian city of Qamishli. Thirty villages had been emptied, he said. [Continue reading…]

In the aftermath of the war in Iraq, some Americans, perceiving echoes of the government-fueled national hysteria that followed 9/11, now regard the attention being given to ISIS as disproportionate to the size of the threat.

A few days ago, one commentator described ISIS as: “A nasty nuisance, which has killed thousands in the Middle East, but a nuisance nonetheless.”

If one subscribes to the Steven Pinker view of the world, then how bad the current situation is, just comes down to numbers.

Fewer people have been killed by ISIS than by barrel bombs dropped by the Assad regime in Syria, or were killed during the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq.

The threat to humanity posed by climate change, far exceeds all other global threats, including what can arguably be called a minor threat from ISIS.

But if an issue is defined as not rising above the threshold of being a nuisance, solely based on numbers, then since between 1882 and 1968 only 3,446 blacks were lynched in America, should the racial violence occurring during that chapter in this country’s history be described as having been no more than a nasty nuisance?

The very fact that we view lynching as emblematic of a chapter in history, illustrates the fact that significance can never be reduced to numbers.

In France, the death toll from the Charlie Hebdo shootings was little more than the average number of fatalities that occur every day on France’s roads.

Since statistically, the French face little more risk from terrorism than they face from traffic accidents, does that mean the French government should devote the same amount of time and resources to addressing road safety as they do to tackling terrorism?

Again, this doesn’t just come down to numbers. For one thing, there’s no reason to view road safety as a problem that risks escalating. Neither is there reason to imagine that individuals or groups of people have a specific interest in making the roads more dangerous. Road safety is an issue that gains ongoing and appropriate attention from every relevant constituency from central government to local government, town planners to school teachers, and vehicle manufacturers to medics.

The fact that it is the type of issue that generally gets effectively addressed, is the very reason it is largely ignored in political and popular discourse.

Conversely, while it’s easy to say that ISIS presents a problem that needs “to be dealt with,” the very fact that it remains unclear what mechanisms might be effective in tackling this problem, is one of the main reasons ISIS continues to grab the headlines.

ISIS might not represent an unstoppable force and yet its campaign of violence has proved very difficult to contain.

Politicians glibly talk about the strategy for defeating ISIS, yet no one has made a convincing case that such a strategy has been found.

Some observers believe that each time another ISIS headline appears, the group has simply been served up the attention it craves, but to dismiss this as a group of attention-seekers is to gravely misjudge ISIS’s ambitions.

A year ago, before ISIS had become a household name but after it taken over Fallujah, President Obama wanted to downplay its significance in what became an infamous dismissal — he said they were just “a jayvee team.”

In those early months of 2014, ISIS used America’s inattention to its full advantage.

Whether showered with or starved of attention, ISIS pursues its goals because they have less concern about how they are perceived by Americans, or for that matter the rest of the world, than we might imagine.

The issue now is less about the quantity of attention ISIS garners that it is about the quality of that attention.

When viewed through the paradigm of the war on terrorism, it’s natural and appropriate to point to that neocon project’s manifold failures. We might also see this as the latest manifestation in a problem that cannot wholly be solved. In other words, that we need to learn how to live with what can be regarded as a manageable amount of terrorism.

But maybe we are being distracted by the category of terrorism itself.

In spite of the fact that ISIS has engaged in what are generally viewed as some of the most grotesque acts of terrorism ever carried out, it differs from all other terrorist groups in at least two fundamental ways:

• It has spawned a mass movement, and
• It has captured and now governs large tracts of territory.

While there was recent furious debate about whether ISIS should be called Islamic, there has been little discussion about its claim to have created a state.

That claim is treated as too preposterous as to merit consideration — the so-called Islamic State is surely destined to implode.

And yet that hasn’t happened and it isn’t about to happen. Neither is this a state that stands any chance of being recognized by any other, but nor does it seek such recognition. On the contrary, the recognition it seeks is from all those who reject the legitimacy of nation states — and this constituency is large and growing.

The post ISIS May Not Be Global Threat, But Neither Is It A Problem With Ready Solution – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Anita McKone*

If you have ever asked ‘Why?… How could they do this?’ in response to the latest report of terrorism, then ‘Confessions of a Terrorist‘ is the novel for you. But only if you genuinely want to find out the answers.

Reliable factual information gathered by terrorism expert and author Professor Richard Jackson is set within a simple but compelling fiction: Michael, a British intelligence officer, and Professor Youssef Said, a Middle Eastern terrorist organiser, face each other across a table in a rundown building in Leeds, UK. Their interview is recorded and transcribed for comment by senior MI5 personnel. As we read the transcript, we gradually unravel the mystery of the events that led them to this meeting. A truly surprising twist, and plans within plans on both sides keep the dramatic tension running right up to an explosive finish.

So this is an easy novel to engage with at the ‘action’ level, but its depth shines through in Jackson’s believable portrait of two human beings whose experiences of both ordinary life and of violence have shaped them in very real and defining ways. Their particular histories, emotions and cultural preconceptions variously impede and facilitate true listening and understanding of one another. And, in the final pages, Jackson presents a level of despair at the human dedication to believing that violence is the only possible response to violence. He accurately represents how people so often accept the appalling personal and social consequences of violence in the powerless belief that there is no other way.

Meanwhile, if you are not familiar with the story of Empire from the perspective of those invaded, prepare yourself for many shocking revelations which will take you out of the usual good guy/bad guy mindset encouraged by standard media portrayals of world conflicts. People behave violently when they feel themselves to be under threat, and this story demonstrates the danger to all parties of failing to honestly listen to and address your own fears and needs, and those of your enemy, if you truly want to resolve conflict and end the violence.

In this novel, Jackson raises the confronting question: Is the fear and insecurity of Western societies and their violent abuse of people of other countries and cultures causing a violent defensive reaction? In which case, are Westerners the ones who need to de-‘radicalise’ their extremist capitalist and militarist ideologies and behaviour in order to reduce fearful extremist responses to these? Michael’s psychological difficulty in acknowledging his own country’s aggressive behaviours brings up a deeper question: How do you reach a person who is too afraid to acknowledge their own violence, and who continually blames someone else for creating a conflict actually instigated by themselves? How do we expose and address the real source of this person’s fear?

Personally, I found the novel very useful in helping me to redefine terrorism more broadly and accurately, identifying and letting go double standards pertaining to the ‘legitimate’ military and ‘rebel’ militants. In many ways, what is labelled ‘terrorist’ is simply guerrilla warfare – tactics strategically chosen by people with few resources against military forces far superior to their own. And there seems little to distinguish ‘terrorism’ from any form of militarism as it has been practiced at any time by human beings: When have civilians genuinely been protected in a violent conflict? When has violence not been used to terrorise people into submission? When have soldiers not tried to inflict maximum damage on the other side, while minimising their own losses? When have soldiers not been willing to sacrifice their own lives, sometimes suicidally, for a perceived cause?

And when has violence not been a desperate demand for attention and control by those who are terrified?

This is an emotionally engaging book that raises many issues to mull over and discuss, with a solid academic reading list for those who want to find out more. You can also check out Professor Jackson’s other books and articles on his website.

*Anita McKone is a nonviolent activist and independent psych
researcher from Australia. She works with her life-partner and
co-activist/researcher Robert J. Burrowes. Her articles on psychological, philosophical and political nonviolence, and her original ‘Songs of Nonviolence’ (free to download) can be found at
http://anitamckone.wordpress.com Her email address is flametree@riseup.net

The post ‘Confessions Of A Terrorist: A Novel’ – Book Review appeared first on Eurasia Review.

When in 2000 Bashar al-Assad succeeded his autocratic father as president of Syria, he inherited, and subsequently maintained, a tightly controlled police state in which a powerful and all-encompassing security machine ensured that the slightest hint of opposition to the regime was ruthlessly crushed. In 2012 the BBC’s Tim Whewell broadcast a harrowing account, reminiscent of the worst days of Stalin’s Soviet Union, of the lengths to which reporters and opponents of Assad had to go in order to keep one step ahead of Syria’s secret police.

But by then, taking their cue from the Arab Spring uprisings that had spread across the Middle East, groups antagonistic to Assad’s government had already begun nationwide protests. Gradually popular dissent developed into an armed rebellion. The opposition, consisting of a variety of groups but primarily the Free Syrian Army, sought to overthrow the despotic Assad regime and substitute a democratic form of government.

Had assistance of any sort been forthcoming from the US or other Western governments at that early stage, Assad could have been defeated, to be replaced by a democratically elected government. But President Obama hesitated, and went on hesitating even after it was clear in August 2013 that Assad had used chemical weapons against his opponents, regardless of the extensive civilian casualties that ensued.

Two factors inhibited Obama from taking decisive action – Russia and Iran.

Russia had long supported the Assad regime, which leases to the Russian navy a military installation in the port of Tartus, Russia’s only Mediterranean repair and replenishment facility. Tartus saves Russia’s warships the trip back to their Black Sea bases through the Turkish Straits. After the chemical weapons debacle, when Obama seemed to be seriously considering an air-strike against the Assad regime, Russia’s President Putin intervened to broker a deal under which Assad agreed to relinquish his whole chemical arsenal. Obama held off striking, and Assad has subsequently held on to power in up to 40 percent of Syria.

As for Iran, Assad’s other powerful ally, it has become increasingly clear that Obama’s strategy has been, perhaps from the start of his presidency, to permit Iran some leeway in its efforts to achieve the leading position in the Middle East to which its Supreme Leader aspires. It seems that this flawed strategy, devised as far back as 2006 by the Iraq Study Group, was based on the idea of engaging with two Shia Muslim ‘axis of evil’ members, Syria and Iran, on the assumption that they would, for their own sakes, combat Sunni Muslim al-Qaeda – the major terrorist threat at that time.

In the event Iran has indeed, both directly and by way of its puppet organization, Hezbollah, engaged with the Sunni jihadists in war-torn Syria, and especially with Islamic State (IS) which has proved itself much more of a threat to the rest of the world even than al-Qaeda. What Iran will not do is engage in co-ordinated military operations with the US, despite the reports that Obama has written secretly on at least four occasions to Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, urging Iran to involve itself more fully in opposing IS forces in Syria. Suspicions persist that these approaches by Obama are connected with the long-drawn-out negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program and its likely outcome – namely an acknowledgement of Iran’s “right to enrichment” and agreement for it to retain its massive centrifuge infrastructure. Iran might well be emerge with the ability to acquire a nuclear weapons capability within a comparatively short period – a horrifying prospect, given its record as the world’s leading sponsor of terrorism, its support for terrorist organizations like Hezbollah and Hamas, and its aim to dominate the Middle East both politically and religiously.

Given this background, and in view of Assad’s continuing struggle against IS, some EU countries are said to be considering restoring relations with the Syrian government despite the view of the US, the UK and France that Assad has lost all legitimacy, and that his departure is a precondition for negotiating an end to the civil war. But as the collapse of his government seems increasingly less likely, and especially since the US has become more actively involved in combatting IS, at least seven EU states are believed to support thawing relations with Damascus. US officials are still saying that their goal is for Assad to leave power, but with no means of achieving this at an acceptable cost they seem to have put it on the back burner while focussing on the anti-IS struggle.

Meanwhile, Assad does not lack apologists in the West, largely from the far-right. Among those voicing their support are Jean-Marie Le Pen, former leader of France’s National Front, Nick Griffin former leader of the far-right British National Party, and no less than David Duke, former leader of the American Ku Klux Klan. Perhaps the most extreme example of far-right support for Assad is the Greek neo-Nazi Black Lilley group whose members have been reportedly fighting alongside the Syrian army.

One of the most prominent pro-Assad groups affiliated with the far-right is the European Solidarity Front, a coalition of political activists who organise delegations to Syria in support of the Assad government. “The European Solidarity Front is open to all those who love Syria,” the group said in a 2013 statement, “and support solidarity with President Assad, the Syrian nation and its army.”

It is extremely concerning that the idea of supporting Assad, however peripherally, seems to be infiltrating mainstream political thinking in parts of Europe. It is a form of realpolitik reaction to the lack of a clear lead from Washington and Brussels about how to treat the enemy’s enemy – in other words, while fighting IS how does one deal with Assad who is also fighting IS?

“We don’t know what this coalition wants and the United States is not deciding,” said Bassma Kodmani, director of the Paris-based Arab Reform Initiative and a former member of the main Syrian opposition in exile. “That’s leading to calls in Europe that Assad is the lesser of the two evils.”

The logical answer comes, as might be expected, from France. Asked whether France should resume intelligence sharing with Damascus in the fight against IS, the French Defense Minister, Jean Yves Le Drian, said robustly: “Bashar al-Assad has been murdering his people for years. He is not part of the solution for Syria. We don’t need to choose between a bloody dictator and a ruthless terrorist army. The two should be fought.”

Wise words.

The post Assad Or IS? No Need To Choose – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

The day following Boris Nemtsov’s murder on Friday, February 27, Western media were in a gluttonous frenzy over the tragedy. The death is being offered as affirmation of the nearly-unanimous villainous image that Putin has in the West. He is believed to be a ruthless dictator who will stop at nothing, including the murder of Alexander Litvinenko, Anna Politkovskaya, and many other journalists who dared to oppose him.

As a result, media stories need merely mention that opposition politician Nemtsov was murdered and an immediate connection is made in people’s minds. It reinforces existing beliefs, even if they were never based on factual evidence.

Some media outlets suggest it’s too early to know exactly what happened. CNN, for instance, stated, “It’s not clear who is behind the killing.” But the network then went on to present an expert guest who said “this points to some kind of government involvement.” What was his evidence? He responded that “anyone who gets in the way of the state is killed.” The network even replayed an earlier program on which CNN feature reporter Anthony Bourdain remarked, “Bad things seem to happen to critics of Vladimir Putin.”

Headlines in the New York Times played to Putin’s stereotyped image as well:

• Obama, Kerry Condemn Killing of Russian Opposition Figure
• After Boris Nemtsov’s Assassination, “There Are No Longer Any Limits”
• Fear Envelops Russia After Killing of Putin Critic Boris Y. Nemtsov

Some outlets referred to Nemtsov as “the” opposition leader, as if he were the head of organized opposition. For example, a Reuters headline read, “Russian opposition leader Nemtsov shot dead in Moscow.” That left media audiences to assume that Putin had knocked off someone who was his main opponent.

A lot of skepticism is expressed about the murder investigation. Most suggest in some way that Putin taking charge of the investigation is like putting the fox in charge of guarding the hen house. Kurt Volker, former U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO and now executive director of the McCain Institute told Fox News, “We’ve seen other political murders in the past, journalist Anna Politkovskaya for example, and the killers there nearly always escape.”

Senator John McCain issued a personal statement: “Boris is dead because of the environment of impunity that Vladimir Putin has created in Russia.” McCain is chairman of the Senate Committee on Armed Services. James Inhofe, the senior member of McCain’s committee authored the bill to send Ukraine lethal military aid. When asked about Nemtsov’s murder, Inhofe told the media that he could see by a picture of Putin’s face that he did it.

It was Inhofe’s expertise in analyzing photographs that led him to introduce his legislation to send lethal arms to Ukraine. He presented his Senate colleagues with photographic evidence that Russia had invaded Ukraine. Unfortunately for Inhofe’s credibility, it was later demonstrated that he had used photos of Russian military vehicles in the 2008 South Ossetia conflict.

Was Inhofe being dishonest or had someone duped him about the photos? An Inhofe aid is reported to have explained “These were presented to the Armed Services Committee from a delegation from Ukraine in December.” He added they had “thoroughly checked our sources again prior to releasing the photos, and felt confident proceeding because the photos also match reporting.” I find it very distressing to see the level of incompetence on which the bill to arm Ukraine with lethal weapons is based.

Interestingly, Ukraine is already playing a role in the Nemtsov death story. The Telegraph reported, “Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko said on Saturday Russian opposition politician Boris Nemtsov was murdered because he planned to disclose evidence of Russia’s involvement in Ukraine’s separatist conflict.”

That reminded me greatly of the 2006 Alexander Litvinenko case. There, Putin was accused of ordering the poisoning of Litvinenko because he was about to reveal proof of Putin’s culpability in the murder of Politkovskaya. Although Litvinenko lived for several weeks after his poisoning, he never released his evidence. I wonder if we’ll ever see Nemtsov’s evidence. And if we do, I wonder if it will include Inhofe’s photographs.

Do the Litvinenko and Nemtsov cases really have that common thread? If so it would appear that in the end, Nemtsov was reduced to being just another Litvinenko: an expendable human being used to advance someone’s unsubstantiated allegations against Putin.

The post Tragedy Of Nemtsov’s Death Hijacked By Denigrators Of Putin – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Ghita Tadlaoui*

Over the past decade, Morocco has tried to diversify its traditionally northern-oriented foreign relations southwards. Developing closer economic and political relations with Sub-Saharan African countries, Rabat hoped, would help raise Morocco’s regional profile and boost the Kingdom’s exports. Hassan II, the father of the current King Mohammed VI, started opening up to the continent during the last years of his reign in the late 1990s by signing numerous cooperation agreements and deploying the diplomatic corps of the Kingdom all over the continent. This represented a radical shift in Morocco’s foreign relations with Africa.

The current global financial and economic crisis has aggravated Morocco’s considerable domestic economic and social challenges, especially since European demand for Moroccan export products has slowed down. In need to diversify its export markets, Morocco has started to reach out to southern countries such as Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Mali. Moreover, in August 2013 Mohammed VI formally announced that Morocco’s foreign policy priority would henceforth be strengthening the economy, inter alia through closer ties with Africa. While Morocco’s main diplomatic and economic partners remain the countries of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US), from 2008-2013 the Kingdom doubled its exports to Sub-Saharan Africa.

Morocco’s efforts to step up its southern engagement, however, transcend merely economic interests. With the spread of arms across North Africa and the growth of jihadist groups in the Sahel following the ouster of Colonel Gaddafi in Libya in 2011, Morocco faces a new intensification of security threats at its doorstep, which can only be fully tackled by stronger regional cooperation. As a result, Morocco wants to end its relative diplomatic isolation in Africa – Rabat vacated its seat at the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of the African Union (AU), in 1984, as the Kingdom was opposed to the OAU recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR – also known as Western Sahara).

Morocco’s static posture on the unresolved Western Sahara issue remains an impediment to a more comprehensive political rapprochement with its immediate southern neighbours. However, Rabat has recently added a new element to its regional approach: the strategic use of ‘religious diplomacy’. Presenting himself as a religious authority, Mohamed VI has sought to use a moderate discourse of Islam to help build new economic and political ties.

PROMOTING RELIGIOUS ‘MODERATION’

Moroccan religious ‘moderation’ is meant to both contrast with and limit the propagation of the ultra- conservative brand of Wahhabi Islam sponsored by Saudi Arabia, which has inspired numerous extremist groups spawning instability in the region.

West Africa is home to 190 million Muslims, and for historical reasons many of them recognise the legitimacy of the Moroccan king’s religious leadership. Mohammed VI uses the status of ‘Commander of the Faithful’, bestowed upon him by the Moroccan constitution, to assert his position of regional religious leader. His legitimacy derives from Morocco’s relations with West Africa during the pre-colonial period, around the 11th century, when most of the region adopted Islam due to the jihad of the Almoravids, a berber dynasty of Morocco.

The Tijaniyyah Brotherhood, a Sufi group within Sunni Islam, is a legacy of this long-held Moroccan-West African relationship. Today, there are millions of Tijane Muslims spread around Western African countries such as Senegal, Guinea, Mauritania, Gambia, and Côte d’Ivoire. The followers of this religious group still regard the Moroccan king as a religious leader, and Fez as a pilgrimage centre, thereby conferring legitimacy to Mohammed VI as a moderate Sunni leader.

Regional cooperation on religious matters is the most evident expression of the Moroccan king’s religious diplomacy. In September 2013, Morocco signed an agreement with Mali’s new government to train 500 Malian Imams in an effort to promote a more tolerant version of Islam in Mali. Following this initiative, the Moroccan Ministry of Islamic Affairs has received further requests for educating Imams from countries such as Guinea and Nigeria. In addition, Morocco is also planning on building mosques in different Sub-Saharan countries such as Senegal, Niger, Benin, and Guinea. On recent visits to African neighbouring countries, Mohammed VI has symbolically offered copies of the Koran to be distributed amongst the country’s mosques.

In addition, Morocco has managed to peacefully include an Islamist party – the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) – in government (they are currently holding office). This peaceful accommodation with political Islam ostensibly recommends Morocco to Sahel and West African countries as a potential model to emulate, alongside the fact that it is one of the few countries that has managed to remain stable in a region of turmoil.

ASPIRING TO REGIONAL LEADERSHIP, RIVALRY WITH ALGERIA

Morocco’s religious diplomacy has not been limited to promoting religious cooperation. It has also been put to use to try to deepen security cooperation between the countries of the region and to raise Morocco’s regional profile. In its efforts to thwart terrorism and ensure broader regional stability, however, Morocco also aspires to supplant its long-term rival Algeria as a leader in the region. Rabat’s geopolitical soft power efforts have been complemented by an intensification of diplomatic relations with Sub- Saharan Africa at a time of growing insecurity in the Sahel (as reflected, for example, in the accumulation of visits the Moroccan king paid to Sahel countries over the past year).

Algeria, historically the informal leader on security challenges such as countering terrorism in the wider region, but lacking Rabat’s religious soft power, has recently appeared to lose some credibility and regional political standing. This is in part because of Algiers’ failure to prevent a major terrorist attack on its own soil in 2013 – the hostage crisis at a gas facility at In Amenas. King Mohammed VI has also made use of his close ties and privileged status as a religious authority to mediate in Mali – traditionally an Algerian client – between Bamako’s central government and the rebel and Tuareg groups of Northern Mali. A newly self-confident Morocco may be able to take advantage of Algiers’ weakened position also on other dossiers, such as the future of Western Sahara.

Algeria has been at the forefront of security cooperation initiatives involving Sub-Saharan countries, most notably the Nouakchott Process (an African Union initiative to improve security cooperation across the Sahel-Saharan region). Due to their difficult bilateral relations, Algiers has always excluded Morocco from such regional frameworks. Over the past few years, however, Morocco has been pushing the alternative framework of the Community of the Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD – a regional economic community initiated by former Libyan leader Gaddafi in 1998), and which does not include Algeria.

Unofficially assuming the leadership of the CEN-SAD, over the past few years Morocco has rekindled the organisation to expand security cooperation between its 28 member states, including creating a Permanent Council for Peace and Security. It is worth noting that the countries that form part of the CEN-SAD are mainly Muslim Sahel-African countries which respect the spiritual authority of the Moroccan monarch. The king’s religious diplomacy hence indirectly helps him to consolidate Morocco’s regional leadership on security matters, to the (potential) detriment of Algiers, Rabat’s rival.

COUNTERING EXTREMISM IN NORTH AND WEST AFRICA

The insurgency of radical Islamist militias in Northern Mali in January 2012 was a wakeup call for Morocco. Rabat supported the France-led Operation Serval in Mali in early 2013 by sending humanitarian aid to Mali and establishing a military hospital in Bamako. Morocco also gave $5million to the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA). The Moroccan Royal Military Academy of Meknes also hosts military officers from West Africa, and has recently created an exchange programme for Malian officers to be trained in Morocco.

More generally, since the Malian insurgency, Rabat has put fighting violent jihadism – which may be detrimental to its own stability – at the centre of its regional efforts. Morocco’s ambassador to the United Nations (UN), Mohamed Loulichki, called in 2012 for the ‘development of a united and inclusive global cooperation between states of North and West Africa and the UN’ to deal with security challenges in the Sahel. Morocco has also tried to revive the ‘Tripoli Process’ (a regional border security cooperation initiative originally created by Libya’s Gadafi), including organising a conference in Rabat in 2013 calling for stronger implementation of that grouping’s agreements. In addition, Morocco has proposed creating a ‘Ministerial Conference of African States Bordering the Atlantic’ to strengthen security cooperation between 22 countries.

For Western governments, counter-balancing extremist Islamist ideologies across the region – such as the Islamic State (IS), Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) or Boko Haram – is a priority since they also pose a direct threat to Western countries and their interests. As a result, Europeans and Americans perceive Morocco as a key ally in a region plagued by extremism. In addition, the EU, preoccupied with increased irregular immigration from North Africa and the Sahel, has pushed Rabat to strengthen its migration policies. For example, Morocco has adopted new legislation to regularise the influx of Sub-Saharan immigrants while collaborating with the EU to contain irregular migration towards the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla.

Morocco’s opening to Africa is also partly driven by a desire to promote Rabat’s plan to confer Western Sahara with the status of an ‘autonomous community’ within the Kingdom. Some African countries have become more sympathetic to Rabat’s proposal. In the last few years, countries such as Burkina Faso, Benin, Togo, and lately Mali, have started to back the idea of autonomy instead of an independence referendum for the Western Sahara territories.

However, given the growing security threats in the region, Western powers are pushing for a prompt resolution of the Western Sahara conflict, which Morocco has so far resisted. In 2013, for example, Rabat reacted forcefully against an American proposal to expand UN monitoring of human rights in the Western Sahara, which led to the abandonment of the proposal. Similarly, in 2014 Morocco rejected the idea of an AU envoy to the Western Sahara.

MOROCCO’S NEW BUSINESS GATEWAY IN WEST AFRICA

On top of improving regional security cooperation, Morocco’s African diplomatic charm offensive is also geared towards strengthening the Moroccan economy. Having consolidated his standing in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region, inter alia thanks to his religious credentials and Morocco’s historic and cultural ties with West Africa, King Mohammed VI has taken advantage of these good relations to conclude various economic cooperation agreements. Morocco’s choice to invest in its links with West Africa seems to be a sound strategic move, since that region is currently home to most of the fastest growing economies on the continent, with a projected economic growth in the region of 7.4 percent in 2014 (West Africa: continental engine or brake?).

During his recent visits to Mali, Gabon, Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire, accompanied by hundreds of Moroccan businessmen, Mohammed VI and his ministerial delegation signed some 118 business agreements over 20 days. Morocco’s state airline, Royal Air Maroc, and the spiritual guides of the Tijanya Brotherhood in Bamako signed a business agreement in February 2014, giving preferential rates to the members of the Brotherhood for trips linking Abidjan to Fez. Since 2008, Morocco has also been negotiating a preferential Trade and Investment Agreement with the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) and strategic partnership accords with ECOWAS and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central African States (CEMAC), with the aspiration of eventually establishing free trade zones.

Morocco’s trade volume with Sub-Saharan Africa has more than tripled during 2003-2013, increasing from 4.7 Moroccan Dirhams (MAD; €434.1 million) in 2003 to 14.4 billion MAD (€1.3 billion) by late 2013. In spite of this impressive relative increase, Africa still only represents between 5-7 per cent of Moroccan exports.

Nevertheless, it is Rabat’s declared objective to quickly increase this percentage by gaining shares in African markets. Morocco’s investments in the African continent have been on the rise, accounting for 44 percent of total Moroccan foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2013 (worth €127.2 million) according to the Moroccan Office des Changes, making Morocco the second-largest African investor on the continent after South Africa. Amidst unrest and insecurity across North Africa, Morocco’s relative stability might work to its commercial gain. Rabat seeks to position itself as an entry point to Africa, especially as a bridge between the West (Europe and America) and Africa. To this end, Morocco has been developing a ‘Casablanca Finance City’, which aims to position Casablanca as a regional financial hub in Africa and a gateway for Western investments.

CONCLUSION

Morocco’s African vision is helping the Kingdom to make a stronger contribution to dealing with trans-national security challenges, to revamp its domestic economy, reposition itself geopolitically, and raise its profile in relations with key Western allies on which Morocco’s economy and security still largely depends. Morocco’s religious diplomacy, including the king’s legitimacy as a religious leader in West Africa, has been a critical element for the success of this regional strategy. However, two major challenges remain: resolving the Western Sahara question; and avoiding increased tensions with regional rival Algeria.

Morocco’s regional strategy could prove beneficial to US and EU interests in several ways. For example, if Morocco became a financial hub and gateway to African growth, it could serve as a business and trade facilitator for US and European investors (who already have a privileged relationship with the Kingdom). From a security standpoint, Morocco, Europe and the US could try to reduce insecurity in the Sahel region through deepening their joint cooperation. In addition, Morocco’s ‘religious diplomacy’ should help promote religious moderation and greater security cooperation across North and West Africa, including in the Sahel.

At the same time, some factors may limit the extent to which the Kingdom’s goals can be effectively achieved. In some respects, Morocco is not the model of peaceful moderation and democratic inclusion of Islamists that its leadership likes to portray. Morocco’s religious moderation and stability mainly function thanks to a heavy political monitoring of domestic Islamists. While the Islamist PJD forms part of the current governing coalition and provides the incumbent prime minister, the party’s political margin of manoeuvre is quite limited (see also Morocco’s Islamists: bucking the trend?). In contrast, Al Adl wal Ihsane (Justice and Spirituality), the second- largest Islamist formation, which is more radical ideologically and very popular among the broader population, has been marginalised from the political game (it is currently not recognised as a political party).

Furthermore, Morocco’s approach to counter-terrorism has hardly been so much more successful than those of its regional peers, at least not as much as Rabat presents. For example, Moroccan secret services dismantled more than 18 jihadist cells between 2011 and 2013, while around 1,500 Moroccans are estimated to be fighting with IS in Syria and Iraq. True, Morocco currently appears more stable than most other countries in the region, and Rabat understandably would like to take advantage of this positive image to develop a stronger African role. But there remain large question marks over just how transferrable the Moroccan approach to political Islam is in practice.

About the author:
*Ghita Tadlaoui is a programme associate with FRIDE.

Source:
This article was published by FRIDE as Policy Brief No 196 – FEBRUARY 2015 (PDF).

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By Abdulateef Al-Mulhim

Discussions and speculations about the Saudi energy sector never cease to stop. After a brief lull, the issues jumps to fore for one reason or another. Even during the period of relative quiet, the issue always plays in the minds of analysts and the powers that be.

Never mind Ukraine’s delicate cease-fire, never mind that threats of WWIII looms, never mind the terrorism threat to world stability and never mind the possible downfall of the euro and the collapse of the European Union. It is the Saudi oil policy and strategy, which always remain talk of the town.

Everybody around the world is apparently obsessed with few questions about Saudi Arabia: What is going around at the Saudi oil wells? Why Saudi Arabia is not reducing its oil production? What are the economic or political reasons that shape the Saudi energy policies and why does it matter for the world what happens at the Saudi oil wells?

During the late 70s, when I was studying in the United States, our class was assigned to write about maritime industry and oil tankers operations. Many of my classmates wrote about containerization and containership. To my surprise, our instructor asked if I could write about the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). So the next day, I contacted Saudi ARAMCO office in Houston and few days later I was supplied with some relevant material. There is no need for me to mention that my papers were mostly about Saudi oil production and the massive oil installations and facilities in the Kingdom. And ironically, since that day, I have noticed that the talk about Saudi oil production, consumption and energy policy has always remained a hot subject and many people make money just writing about it.

The trend continued during the 1970s oil crisis, during the Iraq- Iran war, during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and now during the era of the so-called Shale Oil when the world saw the price of oil dipping from more than a $100 a barrel to less than $50. And when the world was expecting a higher oil price because of the Libyan total shutdown of its oil facilities, unstable Nigerian oil production and Iraqi unstable rate of oil production, the price of oil simply went down. At a time when the world was watching the Saudi oil production and the possibility of a drastic Saudi decrease in its oil production, the Saudis announced that the level of production would remain the same.

The bottom line is that, since the 1970s, I have not seen any oil analysis who has been even close to reality about the Saudi oil. Saudi oil well is an enigma to any oil expert. Many around the world came to the conclusion that no one really knows what goes on in the Saudi oil business except a very tight small circle that does not talk to the outside world. It is Saudi oil and it is Saudi business.

At the end of the day, it is the Saudi oil policies that are very trusted around the world and what the Saudis are doing regarding the oil policies always make a difference. And to this day, many oil experts still don’t know if the Saudis really kept the level of oil production or simply decreased it and no one outside that tight circle knows about it. To me, Saudi oil well was and still is an enigma that I will never understood.

The post Speculating Saudi Arabia’s Oil Policies – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Lucien Rajakarunanayake

The building of new bonds of friendship with the International Community, and cooperation with the United Nations and its special agencies are highlights of the policies enunciated by President Maithripala Sirisena that have brought encouraging results in the development of a Foreign Policy, to help develop new understandings on key aspects of social and economic progress in the country.

Foreign observers of the changes taking place in the country since the major electoral change on January 8 this year, have noted this significant shift away from a policy that was insular in nature, and had little to offer the world by way of improved relations with countries with strong commitments to democracy and the humanitarian aspects of governance and social organization.

This was particularly noticed in the observations made during President Sirisena’s recent visit to India, by Indian analysts of foreign policy, vis-à-vis Sri Lanka and the South Asian region, as well as the wider world community. In addition to the clear change of policy towards better and stronger friendship with India, instead of what was confined to verbal declarations of friendship that had little genuine content, they noticed a new openness both in discussion and formulation of wider strategies for cooperation that would be beneficial to both countries, and to Sri Lanka in the wider context.

New potential

This new acceptance of the changes in Sri Lankan political thinking, have considerable potential for improved international relations to help in the immediate and long-term needs of social and economic progress in several aspects of development. These include strengthening of the economy, building of the necessary interest for Foreign Direct Investment, and new strategies of development, especially in the rural, agricultural and industrial sectors. This acceptance is seen by the responses that President Sirisena has received from all recent visitors who called on him in the past few weeks, and others who have studied the new political developments in the country.

The US Secretary of State John Kerry when meeting Foreign Minister Samaraweera in Washington said: “This is an exciting moment for all of us here because Sri Lanka on January 8th had an historic election in which there has been really a vote for change, a vote to move Sri Lanka in a new direction, to open up greater accountability and possibility for the preservation of human rights, for democracy, for fighting corruption and putting together a government that will speak for and to the people”.

Message of friendship

This message of friendship and understanding was brought closer home when the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, Nisha Biswal, who met with President Sirisena expressed the willingness of the US to work with the new government as it pursues a future for Sri Lanka that is peaceful, inclusive and prosperous. She said there clearly is a lot of work to be done, and the US looked forward to partnering with the Sri Lankan people to address the challenges and help Sri Lanka realize its true potential, having witnessed the sense of “excitement and optimism” the Sri Lankan people ushered through the January 8 election.

From a different political position, Commonwealth Secretary General, Kamalesh Sharma, who met with President Sirisena said he was happy to see an upsurge of Commonwealth values in Sri Lanka, observing the new government has launched an ambitious programme to strengthen democratic practices, and assured the fullest cooperation from the Commonwealth to the new government. He saw in the 100-Day programme of the Government, comprising of many of the Commonwealth’s principles.

He noted President Sirisena’s measures to expel misunderstandings, foster public trust and overcome post-war challenges, and the government’s plans for reconciliation between communities, those who follow different faiths and between different political parties.

World Bank

From the important economic perspective, there was clear support from the World Bank for the new approach to social and political issues that impacted on the economy. At her meeting with President Sirisena, the World Bank’s Vice President for the South Asia Region, Ms. Annette Dixon, expressed the global lending agency’s readiness to provide financial assistance required by Sri Lanka, commending the new government’s efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and speed up development.

Noting President Sirisena’s assurance that the new government will utilize funds in a more transparent manner with firm steps to prevent malpractices and irregularities the use of such funds earlier, Ms. Dixon said World Bank is committed to provide financial assistance in two key areas; poverty alleviation and accelerating the development in Sri Lanka. She further said the Bank is willing to assist Sri Lanka to control unemployment by implementing projects for skills development among the youths in the country.

Core principles

Political analysts, both in Sri Lanka and abroad are of the view that the core principles of this new policy of friendship and outreach that has brought this response from abroad come from two key statements by President Sirisena. The first was at the Address to the Nation on the 67th Commemoration of Independence on February 4, and the other was his address to the Diplomatic Community in Sri Lanka, a few days later.

Referring to Foreign Policy in Independence Commemoration Day, he said that “in considering the past, we make a clear commitment towards following a foreign policy of the middle path, in friendship with all nations, and move towards the resolution of our national issues through the strengthening of our international relations, and through the benefits of such friendship that will bring technological progress, to take our Motherland towards greater progress.

“We see the necessity to bring new technology to our new generations, implant the advances of technology in their minds, and join hands with the modern world. It is, therefore, necessary to fully understand the thinking and expectations of the new generations and as a government to take the necessary steps to help them realize these expectations.

“We will clearly carry out our task of moving forward as an awakened nation, by obtaining the cooperation of all through our foreign policy of the middle path, and as a country that acts in keeping with the United Nations Charter, and its conventions.”

Sharper focus

President Sirisena had a sharper focus on the new thinking on international relations in his address to the diplomatic community in Colombo, when he said the foreign policy of the present government is to strengthen cooperation with all countries and international organizations that extend support to all communities.

He said the policy of the new government is to work in cooperation with international organizations, soliciting the support of other countries for development work launched in the country, with his government is always ready to extend every possible support to those countries that support Sri Lanka.

He emphasized that the funds for development work in the country will be expended in a transparent manner, and underscored the process to slash unlimited executive powers of the presidency by making the necessary constitutional reforms, emphasizing that work to strengthen parliament is already underway. He admitted certain shortcomings and failures in the current political system of the country, although the democracy has been ensured overall, especially in the recent election.

Addressing Sri Lanka’s human rights issues, the President informed the diplomats that the government has planned to move a Bill on the Right to Information (RTI) in its 100 day program, noting that RTI Act is an action to safeguard the basic rights of the people and the democracy of the country, and significantly a measure recommended in the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission’s report.

President Sirisena added that based on the initiatives of the government to protect human rights, the government has invited the United Nations Human Rights Commissioner to engage in a tour of Sri Lanka, and called on the foreign diplomats to extend their unstinted support to the development work of the country.

These two addresses delivered with no reference to a script, ably demonstrated President Sirisena’s thinking on the important issues of democracy, human rights and the need for genuine peace and reconciliation in the country.

They went beyond the prepared texts that were the feature of key national statements in the recent past on such occasions. They have helped build a new image both of the leadership in Sri Lanka, and importantly the strong commitment of the people to the principles of democracy, from which the country has been clearly veering away, especially in the past decade.

Active debate

There is clearly a very active debate both in the media and among political and citizen’s organizations about the 100-Day programme, and the admitted delays in implementing some of its proposals. Such a debate is necessary in the democratic process, but it must be a well informed debate.

It seems necessary to underline that what matters most in the 100-Day plan, are the core issues of constitutional change that will have very far reaching consequences that help both widen and strengthen the democratic process. These will give true meaning to the concept of Good Governance, and should not be confused with the sloganeering impact of 100-days in a poll campaign.

The necessity for pressure to ensure the passage of the constitutional changes, and measures such the Right to Information, Independent Commissions of Inquiry and Audit, as well as necessary reform to the electoral process, must be brought much more to the fore of the current debate, to fully realize the expectations of the voters who made such a dramatic and historic change on January 8, 2015.

The post Sri Lanka: Friendly Foreign Ties Bring Great Rewards – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Using recently released Royal Navy submarine data, researchers at the National Oceanography Centre (NOC) have investigated the nature of turbulence in the ocean beneath the Arctic sea-ice.

Recent decreases in Arctic sea ice may have a big impact on the circulation, chemistry and biology of the Arctic Ocean, due to ice-free waters becoming more turbulent. By revealing more about how these turbulent motions distribute energy within the ocean, the findings from this study provide information important for accurate predictions of the future of the Arctic Ocean.

NOC scientist and lead author of this research, Charlotte Marcinko, said “By investigating the nature of turbulence under sea ice, we can begin to understand how the circulation of the Arctic Ocean is likely to change as it becomes more ice-free during the summer.”

The melting of Arctic sea-ice is expected to be accelerated as the cold, fresh layer of water just beneath the ice mixes with a relatively warm, salty layer below it. This mixing is caused by turbulent motions, such as internal waves and eddy currents, which are likely to increase as the sea-ice thins and breaks up, causing a positive feedback effect.

Turbulence also plays a key role in the ocean circulation, linking currents spanning ocean basins to others spanning just millimetres. The wind is a major factor in driving these ocean currents, but in the Arctic sea-ice can shield the ocean from it. However, this lid of sea-ice also makes it difficult for scientists to investigate what is happening in the ocean currents beneath. As a result currently little is known about turbulence in oceans covered in sea-ice, and how these processes might change in future.

Submarines are equipped with sensors that collect various ocean measurements, including temperature and salt content. Due to the sensitive nature of submarine environmental data collection, MoD approval for access to a relevant dataset has only recently been given to the scientists at the NOC.

The study, published in the Journal of Geophysical Research Letters, shows that there are differences in the way energy is distributed by turbulent motions in the Arctic when compared to open, ice-free seas. Findings showed that the nature of turbulence was very similar in Arctic regions with high and low amounts of sea-ice. This suggests that the nature of turbulence in the Arctic is altered by the way sea-ice affects the structure and stability of the water column, rather than just by the ice acting as a lid protecting the ocean from the wind.

This research was conducted by a team of scientists at the National Oceanography Centre and the University of Portsmouth. It forms part of the Arctic Research Programme, a £15m programme to enhance the UK’s research effort in the Arctic, funded by the Natural Environment Research Council (NERC).

The post Submarine Data Used To Investigate Turbulence Beneath Arctic Ice appeared first on Eurasia Review.

To make ships more eco-efficient, engineers have been working with alternative fuels. A Norwegian engineer is currently pursuing a new approach: With VindskipTM, he has designed a cargo ship that is powered by wind and gas. Software developed by Fraunhofer researchers will ensure an optimum use of the available wind energy at any time.

International shipping is transporting 90 percent of all goods on earth. Running on heavy fuel oil freighters contribute to pollution. The International Maritime Organization (IMO) wants to reduce the environmental impact of ocean liners. One of the measures: Starting from 2020, ships will only be allowed to use fuel containing maximum 0.1 percent sulfur in their fuel in certain areas.

However, the higher-quality fuel with less sulfur is more expensive than the heavy fuel oil which is currently used. Shipping companies are thus facing a major challenge in reducing their fuel costs while complying with the emission guidelines.

A new way of reducing fuel consumption, emissions and bunker expenses is being pursued by the Norwegian engineer Terje Lade, managing director of the company Lade AS: With VindskipTM he has designed a type of ship that does not use heavy fuel oil but utilizes wind for propulsion.

The hull of the freighter serves as a wing sail. On the high seas, VindskipTM will benefit from free-blowing wind making it very energy efficient. For low-wind passages, in order to maneuver the ship on the open sea while also maintaining a constant speed, it is equipped with an environmentally friendly and cost-effective propulsion machinery running on liquefied natural gas (LNG).

With the combination of wind and liquefied natural gas as an alternative fuel to heavy fuel oil, the fuel consumption is estimated to be only 60 percent of a reference ship on average. Carbone dioxide emissions are reduced by 80 percent, according to calculations by the Norwegian company.

Weather routing module determines the optimal course

For efficient operation, it is critical that the available wind energy is used in the best possible way. To calculate the optimal sailing route, researchers from Fraunhofer Center for Maritime Logistics and Services CML, a division of Fraunhofer Institute for Material Flow and Logistics IML, have developed a customized weather routing module for VindskipTM.

Considering meteorological data the software for the new ship type uses a navigation algorithm to calculate a route with the optimum angle to the wind for maximum effect of the design.

“With our weather routing module the best route can be calculated in order to consume as little fuel as possible. As a result costs are reduced. After all, bunker expenses account for the largest part of the total costs in the shipping industry,” said Laura Walther, researcher at CML in Hamburg.

For the complex calculations, the researcher and her team apply numerous parameters, such as aero- and hydrodynamic data as well as weather forecasts from the meteorological services, such as wind speed and wave height.

So how is it possible that the Vindskip is being pulled forward?

“At angles close to headwind the wind generates a force in the ship’s direction. The ship is pulled forward. Since the hull is shaped like a symmetrical air foil, the oblique wind on the opposite side – leeward – has to travel a longer distance. This causes a vacuum that pulls the ship forward,” said Vindskip patent-holder Lade.

This makes the freighter move at speeds of up to 18 to 19 knots, hence just as fast as conventionally powered ships. Due to its very low fuel consumption, Vindskip can utilize liquefied natural gas (LNG) as fuel and still be capable – in the worst case – of 70 days of steaming between bunkering. Thus, it can meet all of today’s and tomorrow’s challenges with regards to fuel economy and emission control.

Wind-tunnel tests completed successfully

The researchers from CML are continually developing the weather routing tool further; the first version has been available since mid-December 2014.

By the end of January 2015, the software will be handed over to the company Lade AS. Ship types that are particularly relevant to the Vindskip-design, for which the weather routing module is developed, are ships like car and truck carriers, big ferries, container ships and LNG carriers.

Terje Lade forecasts that the freighter will set sail as soon as 2019. First, the ship model has to pass numerous tests in a marine research model tank – also called a towing tank by experts. Tests in wind tunnels have already been completed successfully.

The post Wind-Powered Freighters appeared first on Eurasia Review.

The tunable laser spectrometer in the SAM (Sample Analysis at Mars) instrument of the Curiosity robot has unequivocally detected an episodic increase in the concentration of methane in Mars’ atmosphere after an exhaustive analysis of data obtained during 605 soles or Martian days.

This has been revealed in an article authored by scientists from the MSL (Mars Science Laboratory) mission, recently published in Science. One of the authors of this article is Francisco Javier Martín-Torres, a researcher at the Andalusian Institute of Earth Sciences (CSIC-UGR).

This puts an end to the long controversy on the presence of methane in Mars, which started over a decade ago when this gas was first detected with telescopes from Earth. The controversy increased afterwards with the measurements obtained by orbiting satellites, some of which were occasionally contradictory. These new and incontrovertible data open paths for new research that can identify the sources that produce this gas–which could include some type of biological activity–and the mechanisms by means of which the gas is eliminated with such inexplicable speed.

Ever since the Telescope in the Mauna Kea Canada-France-Hawaii Observatory first announced the detection of methane in the Martian atmosphere, several other measurements of the gas have been conducted by means of a diversity of instruments, both remotely from earth, and also by means of satellites like the Mars Express and the Mars Global Surveyor.

Since methane can be the product of biological activity–practically all the existing methane in Earth’s atmosphere originates in this way–this has created great expectations that Martian methane could also be of a similar origin.

Methane in Mars

These observations appeared to be contradictory. Some of them suggested a distribution pattern that was limited in space (with its source in the Northern hemisphere) and time (with a peak of concentration during summer in the Northern hemisphere and its subsequent vanishing in just a matter of months). Both facts are inexplicable by available photochemical and general circulation models, which are currently used to define our understanding of Martian atmosphere.

According to these models, if there really existed methane in Mars, it would remain there for an average 300 years, and during this period it would be homogeneously distributed across the atmosphere. Since we lack a model that can account for its generation, localization and swift disappearance, detections were all called in doubt, and the results were attributed to the instruments employed in their detection, which were working on the very limit of their capacity, and also to the fact that the concentration values of the gas that they yielded were of the ppbv order (parts per billion by volume).

“Within this context, and when we were all almost fully persuaded that the data we had so far collected were at the very least rough it not fully invalid, the expectations to decide on this were bestowed upon the capacity of the SAM instrument to come up with more precise measurements”, said this researcher at the Andalusian Institute of Earth Sciences.

By means of its TLS unit, SAM has been detecting basal levels of methane concentration of around 0,7 ppbv, and has confirmed an event of episodic increase of up to ten times this value during a period of sixty soles (Martian days), i.e., of about 7 ppvb.

The new data are based on observations during almost one Martian year (almost two Earth years), included in the initial prediction for the duration of the mission (nominal mission), during which Curiosity has surveyed about 8 kms in the basin of the Gale crater.

Martian seasons

During this period, which comprehends all the full cycle of Martian seasons, the reference to the environmental data collected by the meteorological REMS (Rover Environmental Monitoring Station) station has allowed for the establishment of possible correlations with the environmental parameters that this instrument records: relative humidity, temperature and atmospheric opacity. Data on atmospheric opacity was obtained both by the UV sensor in REMS and also by MastCam (Mast Camera), the camera at Curiosity, which is employed for support in atmospheric surveys.

REMS is an instrument that has been developed and it is being scientifically exploited by Spanish researchers, some of whom have been members of the team that has conducted this important research. The hypothetical existence of seasonal variations in methane concentration in correlation with certain environmental variables, in any case, will be only confirmed through sustained measurements in the future, specifically oriented to establish which factors can determine the sporadic emission and subsequent degradation of this gas in Mars. As far as the spatial disposition of the methane plumes, they have concluded that they are generated in very brief and weak events and in very specific places.

TLS is a two-channel tunable laser spectrometer which analyses in the infrared region–more specifically in a 2,7 μm wavelength through the first channel, and 3,27 μm through the second. The latter channel is specifically prepared for the detection of methane. It has a resolution of 0,0002 cm-1, which allows for the detection of methane through its spectrographic footprint of three very clearly defined lines, and the procedure which is applied (laser light absorption through a sample contained in a closed cell) “is simple, non-invasive and sensitive” as the article itself claims.

Small margin of error

The containing cell can be full of Martian environment or as a vacuum to make contrasting measurements, which include some conducted through artificially increased concentrations, “which has resulted in a very reduced margin for error and guarantees the accuracy of results, which can now be deemed definitively conclusive”, said Martín-Torres.

According to him, the new questions posed by these results far outnumber the answers it does provide.

“It is a finding that puts paid to the question of the presence of methane in the Martian atmosphere, but it does pose some other more complex and far-reaching questions, such as the nature of its sources–which must lie, we believe, in one or two additional sources that were not originally contemplated in the models used so far. Among these sources, we must not rule out biological methanogenesis. Another new question is related to the bizarre evolution of methane in the Martian atmosphere after its emission. Both questions should be addressed in the future with specifically designed new research.”

The post Methane In Mars’ Atmosphere May Hint That Life Existed On Planet appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Christoph Vogel*

This week, a long-awaited military offensive began against a Rwandan rebel group based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. It had been planned as a joint operation between Congolese government forces and a unique combat unit of United Nations peacekeepers. But by the time the gunfire began on Tuesday, the partnership had broken down and the UN had been side-lined.

On Thursday, the UN mission in DRC, known as MONUSCO, tweeted: “The #FARDC [DRC army] is carrying out the operation alone after rejecting support from #MONUSCO.” How did it come to this?

Politics and human rights

Two UN Security Council resolutions as well as regional political groupings called for the DRC’s army (FARDC) and the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) of the MONUSCO peacekeeping force to take “decisive military action” against the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) if the group failed to surrender and disarm by 2 January, 2015. The FIB is the only UN force globally with a mandate to go on the offensive against rebel groups.

A week after that deadline expired with little sign of compliance, Martin Kobler, the head of MONUSCO and the UN secretary-general’s special representative in DRC, said he was “very impressed by the high level of preparedness and the team spirit that reigns between the FARDC and the MONUSCO. I am confident about the engagement of the troops in the upcoming operations against the FDLR.”

But no operations began.

Then on 26 January, DRC President Joseph Kabila announced a military reshuffle that saw General Fall Sikabwe take command of the 34th military region, which includes the areas where FDLR is active. Kabila also put General Bruno Mandevu in charge of the operation against the FDLR.

Because these two generals reportedly appear on a MONUSCO “red list” on account of human rights abuses allegedly committed by units under their command, the UN reconsidered its role. The nominations “presented a real problem for us,” the head of UN peacekeeping, Hervé Ladsous said on 2 February.

According to several media reports, the UN called for these nominations to be reversed, something the government flatly rejected.

No details of the two generals’ alleged involvement in human rights abuses have been released and several senior FARDC officers told IRIN they were puzzled by Mandevu’s inclusion on the red list. Some noted that MONUSCU had worked with Sikabwe before, albeit under a waiver of his red list status.

Neighbouring Rwanda, whose government the FDLR would like to oust, accused the UN of politically-motivated procrastination.

The collapse of the DRC-UN partnership became more evident on 29 January, when a new plan for the anti-FDLR operation presented by chief of staff Didier Etumba excluded the FIB entirely, with MONUSCO elements providing only logistical support.

There are at least three theories circulating about this breakdown in relations. The first is the FARDC is not really dedicated to neutralising FDLR, the second is it doesn’t want to share credit for an eventual victory. The third is that the breakdown is part of DRC’s simmering discontent with the UN mission and the wider international community.

This third theory was lent credence by a long and indignant government communiqué issued on 16 February, a day after Kabila upbraided foreign ambassadors for meddling in the sovereign affairs of the DRC.

There is a long history of collusion and alliances between the FARDC and the FDLR notably during the years of civil war between 1998 and 2003. Now, key players in Kinshasa are divided between doves who favour a negotiated settlement, hawks pushing for an all-out military assault and a third group who view the FDLR as a useful bulwark against regional threats and therefore worth keeping in place.

The FDLR itself, which has no more than 1,500 fighters, is also beset by internal ideological divisions, especially between leader Sylvestre Mudacumura, operational commander Pacifique Ntawuguka and chairman Victor Byiringiro.

So far, the FARDC operation, in the Uvira territory of South Kivu province, appears to have met with little resistance. (Most of the FDLR are based in neighbouring North Kivu). As widely predicted, civilians have left some areas, notably the settlement of Kanyovu, to escape any clashes.

Since the start of the current offensive, MONUSCO has repeatedly tweeted about absence of any abuses such as looting or mistreatment of civilians by FARDC.

And in perhaps another sign of rapprochement, MONUSCO reported on a joint mission by its personnel and government officials to the combat zone to raise awareness about the needs of people displaced by the operation.

*Christoph Vogel is a researcher at the University of Zurich and independent analyst at www.christophvogel.net

The post Why Was UN Sidelined In ‘Joint’ DRC Operation Against Rebels? – Analysis appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Iran’s Department of Cultural Heritage and Tourism has requested that any of Iraq’s historical artifacts facing harm there be loaned to Iran for safe keeping.

ISNA reported on Saturday that Iran has written to the head of UNESCO, ISESCO and the head of Iraq’s Department of Cultural Heritage to say Iran is prepared to transfer ”artifacts held in Iraqi museums to Iran for safekeeping until stability and peace return to Iraq”.

Last week, the extremist group Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) posted a video on the internet showing their members destroying ancient artifacts in the Mosul Museum. ISIS regards the artifacts as symbols of paganism.

The head of UNESCO, Irina Bukova, had appealed to the United Nations to convene an emergency meeting and take immediate action to preserve Iraq’s cultural heritage.

Iran’s offer comes one day after the reopening of the National Museum of Iraq, which has been closed for 12 years after the U.S. attack on Iraq. During this time many of its holdings were looted, and the Iraqi government made a concentrated effort to recover them in order to achieve the reopening.

Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, was taken over by ISIS forces last summer.

The post Iran Offers Safe Haven For Iraq’s Endangered Artifacts appeared first on Eurasia Review.

Over the past 50 years the US and European powers have engaged in countless imperial wars throughout the world. The drive for world supremacy has been clothed in the rhetoric of “world leadership”, the consequences have been devastating for the peoples targeted.

The biggest, longest and most numerous wars have been carried out by the United States. Presidents from both parties direct and preside over this quest for world power. The ideology which informs imperialism varies from “anti-communism” in the past to “anti- terrorism” today.

Washington’s drive for world domination has used and combined many forms of warfare, including military invasions and occupations; proxy mercenary armies and military coups; financing political parties, NGO’s and street mobs to overthrow duly constituted governments. The driving forces in the imperial state , behind the quest for world power, vary with the geographic location and social economic composition of the targeted countries.

What is clear from an analysis of US empire building over the last half century is the relative decline of economic interests, and the rise of politico-military considerations. In part this is because of the demise of the collectivist regimes (the USSR and Eastern Europe) and the conversion of China and the leftist Asian, African and Latin American regimes to capitalism. The decline of economic forces as the driving force of imperialism is a result of the advent of global neoliberalism. Most US and EU multi-nationals are not threatened by nationalizations or expropriations, which might trigger imperial state political intervention.

In fact, MNC are invited to invest,trade and exploit natural resources even by post-neoliberal regimes . Economic interests come into play in formulating imperial state policies, if and when nationalist regimes emerge and challenge US MNC as is the case in Venezuela under President Chavez.

The key to US empire building over the past half-century is found in the political, military and ideological power configurations which have come to control the levers of the imperial state. The recent history of US imperial wars has demonstrated that strategic military priorities – military bases, budgets and bureaucracy – have expanded far beyond any localized economic interests of MNC.

Moreover, the vast expenditures and long term and expensive military interventions of the US imperial state in the Middle East has been at the behest of Israel. The take-over of strategic political positions in the Executive branch and Congress by the powerful Zionist power configuration within the US has reinforced the centrality of military over economic interests.

The ‘privatization’ of imperial wars – the vast growth and use of mercenaries contracted by the Pentagon- has led to the vast pillage of tens of billions of dollars from the US Treasury. Large scale corporations which supply mercenary military combatants have become a very ‘influential’ force shaping the nature and consequences of US empire building.

Military strategists, defenders of Israeli colonial interests in the Middle East, mercenary military and intelligence corporations are central actors in the imperial state and it is their decision-making influence which explains why US imperial wars do not result in a politically stable, economic prosperous empire. Instead their policies have resulted in unstable, ravaged economies, in perpetual rebellion.

We will proceed by identifying the changing areas and regions of US empire building from the mid 1970’s to the present. We then examine the methods, driving forces and outcomes of imperial expansion. We will then turn to describe the current ‘geo-political map of empire building and the varied nature of the anti-imperialist resistance. We will conclude by examining the why and how of empire building and more particularly, the consequences, and results of a half century of US imperial expansion.

Imperialism in the post Vietnam Period: Proxy Wars in Central America, Afghanistan and Southern Africa

The US imperialist defeat in Indo-China marks the end of one phase of empire building and the beginning of another: a shift from territorial invasions to proxy wars. Hostile domestic opinion precluded large scale ground wars. Beginning during the presidencies of Gerald Ford and James Carter, the US imperialist state increasingly relied on proxy clients. It recruited, financed and armed proxy military forces to destroy a variety of nationalist and social revolutionary regimes and movements in three continents.

Washington financed and armed extremist Islamic forces world-wide to invade and destroy the secular, modernizing, Soviet backed regime in Afghanistan, with logistical support from the Pakistan military and intelligence agencies, and financial backing from Saudi Arabia.

The second proxy intervention was in Southern Africa, where the US imperial state financed and armed proxy forces against anti-imperialist regimes in Angola and Mozambique, in alliance with South Africa.

The third proxy intervention took place in Central America, where the US financed, armed and trained murderous death squad regimes in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras to decimate popular movements and armed insurgencies resulting in over 300,000 civilian deaths.

The US imperial state’s ‘proxy strategy’ extended to South America: CIA and Pentagon backed military coups took place in Uruguay (General Alvarez), Chile (General Pinochet) Argentina (General Videla), Bolivia (General Banzer) and Peru (General Morales). Empire building by proxy, was largely at the behest of US MNC which were the principal actors in setting priorities in the imperial state throughout this period.

Accompanying proxy wars, were direct military invasions: the tiny island of Grenada (1983) and Panama (1989) under Presidents’ Reagan and Bush, Sr. Easy targets, with few casualties and low cost military expenditures: dress rehearsals for re-launching major military operations in the near future.

What is striking about the ‘proxy wars’ are the mixed results.The outcomes in Central America, Afghanistan and Africa did not lead to prosperous neo-colonies or prove lucrative to US multi-national corporations. In contrast the proxy coups in South America led to large scale privatization and profits for US MNC.

The Afghan proxy war led to the rise and consolidation of the Taliban “Islamic regime” which opposed both Soviet influence and US imperial expansion. The rise and consolidation of Islamic nationalism in turn challenged US allies in South Asia and the Gulf region and subsequently led to a US military invasion in 2001 and a prolonged (15 year) war (which has yet to conclude), and most probably to a military retreat and defeat. The main economic beneficiaries were Afghan political clients, US mercenary military “contractors”, military procurement officers and civilian colonial administrators who pillaged hundreds of billions from the US Treasury in illegal and fraudulent transactions.

Pillage of the US Treasury in no way benefited the non-military MNC’s. In fact the war and resistance movement undermined any large scale, long-term entry of US private capital in Afghanistan and adjoining border regions of Pakistan.

The proxy war in Southern Africa devastated the local economies, especially the domestic agricultural economy, uprooted millions of laborers and farmers and curtailed US corporate oil penetration for over two decades. The ‘positive’ outcome was the de-radicalization of the former revolutionary nationalist elite. However, the political conversion of the Southern African “revolutionaries” to neo-liberalism did not benefit the US MNC as much as the rulers turned kleptocratic oligarchs who organized patrimonial regimes in association with a diversified collection of MNC, especially from Asia and Europe.

The proxy wars in Central America had mixed results. In Nicaragua the Sandinista revolution defeated the US-Israeli backed Somoza regime but immediately confronted a US financed, armed and trained counter-revolutionary mercenary army (the “Contras”) based in Honduras. The US war destroyed, many of the progressive economic projects, undemined the economy and eventually led to an electoral victory by the US backed political client Violeta Chamorro.

Two decades later the US proxies were defeated by a de-radicalized Sandinista led political coalition.

In El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, the US proxy wars led to the consolidation of client regimes presiding over the destruction of the productive economy,and the flight of millions of war refugees to the United States. US imperial dominance eroded the bases for a productive labor market which spawned the growth of murderous drug gangs.

In summary, the US proxy wars succeeded, in most, cases in preventing the rise of nationalist-leftist regimes, but also led to the destructive of the economic and political bases of a stable and prosperous empire of neo-colonies.

US Imperialism in Latin America: Changing Structure, External and Internal Contingencies, Shifting Priorities and Global Constraints.

To understand the operations, structure and performance of US imperialism in Latin America, it is necessary to recognize the specific constellation of competing forces which shaped imperial state policies. Unlike the Middle East where the militarist-Zionist faction has established hegemony, in Latin America the MNC have played a leading role in directing imperial state policy. In Latin America, the militarists played a lesser role, constrained by (1)the power of the MNC, (2) the shifts in political power in Latin America from right to center-left (3) the impact of economic crises and the commodity boom.

In contrast to the Middle East, the Zionist power configuration has little influence over imperial state policy, as Israel’s interests are focused on the Middle East and, with the possible exception of Argentina, Latin America is not a priority.

For over a century and a half, the US MNC and banks dominated and dictated US imperial policy toward Latin America. The US armed forces and CIA were instruments of economic imperialism via direct intervention (invasions), proxy ‘military coups’, or a combination of both.

US imperial economic power in Latin America ‘peaked’ between 1975-1999. Vassal states and client rulers were imposed via proxy military coups, direct military invasions (Dominican Republic , Panama and Grenada) and military-civilian controlled elections.
The results were the dismantling of the welfare state and the imposition of neo-liberal policies. The MNC led imperial state and its international financial appendages (IMF, WB, IDB) privatized lucrative strategic economic sectors, dominated trade and projected a regional integration scheme which would codify US imperial dominance.

Imperial economic expansion in Latin America was not simply a result of the internal dynamics and structures of the MNC but depended on (1) the receptivity of the ‘host’ country or more precisely the internal correlation of class forces in Latin America which in turn revolved around (2) the performance of the economy – its growth or susceptibility to crises.

Latin America demonstrates that contingencies such as the demise of client regimes and collaborator classes can have a profound negative impact on the dynamics of imperialism, undermining the power of the imperial state and reversing the economic advance of the MNC.

The advance of US economic imperialism during the 1975-2000 period was manifest in the adoption of neo-liberal policies, the pillage of national resources, the increase of illicit debts and the overseas transfer of billions of dollars. However, the concentration of wealth and property, precipitated a deep socio-economic crises throughout the region which eventually led to the overthrow or ouster of the imperial collaborators in Ecuador, Bolivia, Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Nicaragua. Powerful anti-imperialist social movements especially in the countryside emerged in Brazil and the Andean countries.

Urban unemployed workers movements and public employees unions in Argentina and Uruguay spearheaded electoral changes, bringing to power center-left regimes which ‘renegotiated’ relations with the US imperial state.

US MNC influence in Latin America waned. They could not count on the full battery of military resources of the imperial state to intervene and re-impose neo-liberal clients because of its military priorities elsewhere: the Middle East, South Asia and North Africa.
Unlike the past, the US MNC in Latin America lacked two essential props of power: the full backing of the US armed forces and powerful civilian-military clients in Latin America.

The US MNC’s plan for US centered integration was rejected by the center-left regimes. The imperial state turned to bilateral free trade agreements with Mexico, Chile, Colombia, Panama and Peru. As a result of the economic crises and collapse of most Latin American economies, “neo-liberalism”, the ideology of imperial economic penetration, was discredited. Neo-liberal advocates marginalized.
Changes in the world economy had a profound impact on US – Latin America trade and investment relations. The dynamic growth of China and the subsequent boom in demand and the rising prices of commodities, led to a sharp decline of US dominance of Latin American markets.

Latin American states diversified trade, sought and gained new overseas markets, especially in China. The increase in export revenues created greater capacity for self-financing. The IMF, WB and IDB, economic instruments for leveraging US financial impositions (“conditionality”), were sidelined.

The US imperial state faced Latin American regimes who embraced diverse economic options, markets and sources of financing. With powerful domestic popular support and unified civilian-military command, Latin America moved tentatively out of the US sphere of imperialist domination.

The imperial state and its MNC , deeply influenced by their “success” in the 1990’s, responded to the decline of influence by proceeding by ‘trial and error’, in the face of the negative constraints of the 21st century. The MNC backed policymakers in the imperial state continued to back the collapsing neo-liberal regimes, losing all credibility in Latin America. The imperial-state failed to accommodate changes – deepening popular and center-left regime opposition to “free markets” and the deregulation of banks. No large scale economic aid programs, like President Kennedy’s effort to counter the revolutionary appeal of the Cuban revolution by promoting social reforms via the ‘Alliance for Progress”, were fashioned to win over the center-left, probably because of budget constraints resulting from costly wars elsewhere.

The demise of neo-liberal regimes, the glue that held the different factions of the imperial state together, led to competing proposals of how to regain dominance. The ‘militarist faction’ resorted to and revived the military coup formula for restoration: coups were organized in Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Honduras and Paraguay . . . all were defeated, except the latter two. The defeat of US proxies led to the consolidation of the independent, anti-imperialist center-left regimes.Even the “success”of the US coup in Honduras resulted in a major diplomatic defeat,as every Latin American government condemned it and the US role,further isolating Washington in the region.

The defeat of the militarist strategy strengthened the political-diplomatic faction of the imperial state. With positive overtures toward ostensibly ‘center-left regimes’, this faction gained diplomatic leverage, retained military ties and deepened the expansion of MNC in Uruguay, Brazil, Chile and Peru. With the latter two countries the economic imperialist faction of the imperial state secured bilateral free trade agreements.

A third MNC – military faction, overlapping with the previous two, combined diplomatic-political accommodations toward Cuba, with an aggressive political destabilization strategy aimed at “regime change” (coup) in Venezuela.

The heterogeneity of imperial state factions and their competing orientations, reflects the complexity of interests engaged in empire building in Latin America and results in seemingly contradictory policies, a phenomenon less evident in the Middle East where the militarist-zionist power configuration dominates imperial policymaking.

For example the promotion of military bases and counter-insurgency operations in Colombia (a priority of the militarist faction) is accompanied by bilateral free market agreements and peace negotiations between the Santos regime and the FARC armed insurgency (a priority of the MNC faction).

Regaining imperial dominance in Argentina involves, (1) promoting the electoral fortunes of the neo-liberal governor of Buenos Aires Macri, (2) backing the pro- imperial media conglomerate , Clarin, facing legislation breaking up its monopoly (3) exploiting the death of prosecutor and CIA-Mossad collaborator, Alberto Nisman to discredit the Kirchner- Fernandez regime(4) backing NewYork speculaters’ (vulture) investment fund attempting to extract exorbitant interest payments and, with the aid of a dubious judicial ruling, blocking Argentina’s access to financial markets.

Both the militarist and MNC factions of the imperial state converge in backing a multi-pronged electoral – and coup approach, which seeks to restore a US controlled neo-liberal regimes to power.
The contingencies which forestalled the recovery of imperial power over the past decade are now acting in reverse. The drop in commodity prices has weakened post neo-liberal regimes in Venezuela, Argentina and Ecuador. The ebbing of anti-imperialist movements resulting from center-left co-optation tactics has strengthened imperial state backed right-wing movements and street demonstrators. The decline in Chinese growth has weakened the Latin American market diversification strategies. The internal balance of class forces has shifted to the Right, toward US backed political clients in Brazil, Argentina, Peru and Paraguay.

Theoretical Reflections on Empire Building in Latin America

US empire building in Latin America is a cyclical process, reflecting the structural shifts in political power, and the restructuring of the world economy – forces and factors which ‘override’ the imperial state and capital’s drive to accumulate.Capital accumulation and expansion does not depend merely on the impersonal forces of “the market” – because the social relations under which the “market” functions, operate under the constraints of the class struggle.

The centerpiece of imperial state activities-namely the prolonged territorial wars in the Middle East – are absent in Latin America. The driving force of US imperial state policy is the pursuit of resources (agro-mining), labor power ( low paid autoworkers), markets (size and purchasing power of 600 million consumers). The economic interests of the MNC are the motives for imperial expansion.

Even as, from a geo-strategic vantage point, the Caribbean, Central America as well as South America are located most proximate to the US, economic not military objectives predominate.

However, the militarist-Zionist faction in the imperial state, ignore these traditional economic motives and deliberately choose to act on other priorities – control over oil producing regions, destruction of Islamic nations or movements or simply to destroy anti-imperialist adversaries. The militarists-Zionist faction counted the “benefits” to Israel, its Middle East military supremacy, more important than the US securing economic supremacy in Latin America. This is clearly the case if we measure imperial priorities by state resources expended in pursuit of political goals.

Even if we take the goal of “national security”, interpreted in the broadest sense, of securing the safety of the territorial homeland of the empire, the US military assault of Islamic countries driven by accompanying Islamophobic ideology and the resulting mass killings and uprooting a millions of Islamic people, has led to “blowback”: reciprocal terrorism. US “total wars” against civilians has provoked Islamic assaults against the citizens of the West.

Latin America countries targeted by economic imperialism are less belligerent than Middle Eastern countries targeted by US militarists. A cost/benefits analysis would demonstrate the totally “irrational” nature of militarist strategy. However,if we take account of the specific composition and interests that motivate particularly imperial state policymakers, there is a kind of perverse “rationality”.

The militarists defend the “rationality” of costly and unending wars by citing the advantages of seizing the ‘gateways to oil’ and the Zionists cite their success in enhancing Israel’s regional power.

Whereas Latin America, for over a century was a priority region of imperial economic conquest, by the 21st century it lost primacy to the Middle East.

The Demise of the USSR and China’s conversion to Capitalism

The greatest impetus to successful US imperial expansion did not take place via proxy wars or military invasions. Rather, the US empire achieved its greatest growth and conquest, with the aid of client political leaders, organizations and vassal states throughout the USSR, Eastern Europe, the Baltic States the Balkans and the Caucuses. Long term, large scale US and EU political penetration and funding succeeded in overthrowing the hegemonic collectivist regimes in Russia and the USSR, and installing vassal states. They would soon serve NATO and be incorporated in the European Union. Bonn annexed East Germany and dominated the markets of Poland,the Czech Republic and other Central European states. US and London bankers collaborated with Russian-Israeli gangster-oligarchs in joint ventures plundering resources, industries, real estate and pension funds. The European Union exploited tens of millions of highly trained scientists, technicians and workers – by importing them or stripping them of their welfare benefits and labor rights and exploiting them as cheap labor reserves in their own country.

“Imperialism by invitation” hosted by the vassal Yeltsin regime, easily appropriated Russian wealth. The ex-Warsaw Pact military forces were incorporated into a foreign legion for US imperial wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria. Their military installations were converted into military bases and missile sites encircling Russia.
US imperial conquest of the East, created a “unipolar world” in which Washington decision-makers and strategists believed that, as the world’s supreme power, they could intervene in every region with impunity.

The scope and depth of the US world empire was enhanced by China’s embrace of capitalism and its ruler’s invitation to US and EU MNC to enter and exploit cheap Chinese labor. The global expansion of the US empire, led to a sense of unlimited power, encouraging its rulers’ to exercise power against any adversary or competitor.

Between 1990 and 2000,the US expanded its military bases to the borders of Russia. US MNC expanded into China and Indo-China. US backed client regimes throughout Latin America dismantled the national economies, privatizing and denationalizing over five thousand lucrative strategic firms. Every sector was affected- natural resources, transport, telecommunications and finance.

The US proceeded throughout the 1990’s to expand via political penetration and military force. President George H. W. Bush launched a war against Iraq. Clinton bombed Yugoslavia and Germany and the EU joined the US in dividing Yugoslavia into ‘mini states’.

The Pivotal Year 2000: the Pinnacle and Decline of Empire

The very rapid and extensive imperial expansion, between 1989-1999, the easy conquests and the accompanying plunder, created the conditions for the decline of the US empire.

The pillage and impoverishment of Russia led to the rise of a new leadership under President Putin intent on reconstructing the state and economy and ending vassalage.

The Chinese leadership harnessed its dependence on the West for capital investments and technology, into instruments for creating a powerful export economy and the growth of a dynamic national public-private manufacturing complex. The imperial centers of finance which flourished under lax regulation crashed. The domestic foundations of empire were severely strained. The imperial war machine competed with the financial sector for federal budgetary expenditures and subsidies.

The easy growth of empire, led to its over-extension. Multiple areas of conflict, reflected world-wide resentment and hostility at the destruction wrought by bombings and invasions. Collaborative imperial client rulers were weakened. The world-wide empire exceeded the capacity of the US to successfully police its new vassal states. The colonial outposts demanded new infusions of troops, arms and funds at a time when countervailing domestic pressures were demanding retrenchment and retreat.

All the recent conquests – outside of Europe – were costly. The sense of invincibility and impunity led imperial planners to overestimate their capacity to expand, retain, control and contain the inevitable anti-imperialist resistance.

The crises and collapse of the neo-liberal vassal states in Latin America accelerated. Anti-imperialist uprisings spread from Venezuela (1999), to Argentina (2001), Ecuador (2000-2005) and Bolivia (2003-2005). Center-left regimes emerged in Brazil, Uruguay and Honduras. Mass movements, in rural regions,among Indian and mining communities gained momentum. Imperial plans formulated to secure US centered integration were rejected. Instead multiple regional pacts excluding the US proliferated-ALBA, UNASUR, CELAC. Latin America’s domestic rebellion coincided with the economic rise of China. A prolonged commodity boom severely weakened US imperial supremacy. The US had few local allies in Latin America and over ambitious commitments to control the Middle East, South Asia and North Africa.

Washington lost its automatic majority in Latin America: its backing of coups in Honduras and Paraguay and its intervention in Venezuela (2002) and blockade of Cuba was repudiated by every regime, even by conservative allies.

Having easily established a global empire, Washington found it was not so easy to defend it. Imperial strategists in Washington viewed the Middle East wars through the prism of the Israeli military priorities ,ignoring the global economic interests of the MNC.

Imperial military strategists overestimated the military capacity of vassals and clients, ill-prepared by Washington to rule in countries with growing armed national resistance movements. Wars, invasions and military occupations were launched in multiple sites. Yemen, Somalia, Libya, Syria, Pakistan were added to Afghanistan and Iraq.

US imperial state expenditures far exceeded any transfer of wealth from the occupied countries.

A vast civilian – military – mercenary bureaucracy pillaged hundreds of billions of dollars from the US Treasury.

The centrality of wars of conquest, destroyed the economic foundations and institutional infrastructure necessary for MNC entry and profit.

Once entrenched in strategic military conceptions of empire, the military-political leadership of the imperial state fashioned a global ideology to justify and motivate a policy of permanent and multiple warfare. The doctrine of the ‘war on terror’ justified war everywhere and nowhere. The doctrine was ‘elastic’ – adapted to every region of conflict and inviting new military engagements: Afghanistan, Libya, Iran and Lebanon were all designated as war zones. The ‘terror doctrine’, global in scope, provided a justification for multiple wars and the massive destruction (not exploitation) of societies and economic resources. Above all the “war on terrorism” justified torture (Aba Gharib) and concentration camps (Guantanamo), and civilian targets (via drones)anywhere. Troops were withdrawn and returned to Afghanistan and Iraq as the nationalist resistance advanced. Thousands of Special Forces in scores of countries were active, purveying death and mayhem.

Moreover, the violent uprooting, degradation and stigmatization of entire Islamic people led to the spread of violence in the imperial centers of Paris, New York, London, Madrid and Copenhagen. The globalization of imperial state terror led to individual terror.

Imperial terror evoked domestic terror: the former on a massive, sustained scale encompassing entire civilizations and conducted and justified by elected political officials and military authorities. The latter by a cross section of ‘internationalists’ who directly identified with the victims of imperial state terror.

Contemporary Imperialism: Present and Future Perspectives

To understand the future of US imperialism it is important to sum up and evaluate the experience and policies of the past quarter of a century.

If we compare, US empire building between 1990 and 2015, it is clearly in decline economically, politically and even militarily in most regions of the world, though the process of decline is not linear and probably not irreversible.

Despite talk in Washington of reconfiguring imperial priorities to take account of MNC economic interests, little has been accomplished… Obama’s so-called “pivot to Asia” has resulted in new military base agreements with Japan, Australia and the Philippines surrounding China and reflects an inability to fashion free trade agreements that exclude China. Meantime, the US has militarily re-started the war and reentered Iraq and Afghanistan in addition to launching new wars in Syria and the Ukraine. It is clear that the primacy of the militarist faction is still the determinant factor in shaping imperial state policies.

The imperial military drive is most evident in the US intervention in support of the coup in the Ukraine and subsequent financing and arming of the Kiev junta. The imperial takeover of the Ukraine and plans to incorporate it into the EU and NATO, represents military aggression in its most blatant form: The expansion of US military bases and installations and military maneuvers on Russia’s borders and the US initiated economic sanctions, have severely damaged EU trade and investment with Russia.. US empire building continues to prioritize military expansion even at the cost of Western imperial economic interests in Europe.

The US-EU bombing of Libya destroyed the burgeoning trade and investment agreements between imperial oil and gas MNC and the Gadhafi government… NATO air assaults destroyed the economy, society and political order, converting Libya into a territory
overrun by warring clans, gangs, terrorists and armed thuggery.

Over the past half century, the political leadership and strategies of the imperial state have changed dramatically. During the period between 1975 – 1990, MNC played a central role in defining the direction of imperial state policy: leveraging markets in Asia; negotiating market openings with China; promoting and backing neo-liberal military and civilian regimes in Latin America; installing and financing pro-capitalist regimes in Russia, Eastern Europe, the Baltic and Balkan states. Even in the cases where the imperial state resorted to military intervention, Yugoslavia and Iraq, the bombings led to favorable economic opportunities for US MNC .The Bush Sr regime promoted US oil interests via an oil for food agreement with Saddam Hussein in Iraq.

Clinton promoted free market regimes in the mini-states resulting from the break-up of socialist Yugoslavia .

However, the imperial state’s leadership and policies shifted dramatically during the late 1990’s onward. President Clinton’s imperial state was composed of long-standing MNC representatives, Wall Street bankers and newly ascending militarist Zionist officials.

The result was a hybrid policy in which the imperial state actively promoted MNC opportunities under neo-liberal regimes in the ex-Communist countries of Europe and Latin America,and expanded MNC ties with China and Viet Nam while launching destructive military interventions in Somalia, Yugoslavia and Iraq.

The ‘balance of forces’ within the imperialist state shifted dramatically in favor the militarist-Zionist faction with 9/11:the terrorist attack of dubious origens and false flag demolitions in New York and Washington served to entrench the militarists in control of a vastly expanded imperial state apparatus. As a consequence of 9/11 the militarist-Zionist faction of the imperial state subordinated the interests of the MNC to its strategy of total wars. This in turn led to the invasion, occupation and destruction of civilian infrastructure in Iraq and Afghanistan (instead of harnessing it to MNC expansion).

The US colonial regime dismantled the Iraqui state (instead of re-ordering it to serve the MNC). The assassination and forced out – migration of millions of skilled professionals, administrators, police and military officials crippled any economic recovery (instead of their incorporation as servants of the colonial state and MNC).

The militarist-Zionist ascendancy in the imperial state introduced major changes in policy, orientation , priorities and the modus operandi of US imperialism. The ideology of the “global war on terror” replaced the MNC doctrine of promoting “economic globalization”.

Perpetual wars (“terrorists” were not confined to place and time) replaced limited wars or interventions directed at opening markets or changing regimes which would implement neo-liberal policies benefiting US MNC.

The locus of imperial state activity shifted from exploiting economic opportunities, in Asia, Latin America and the ex-Communist countries of Eastern Europe to wars in the Middle East, South Asia and North Africa – targeting Muslem countries which opposed Israel’s colonial expansion in Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere.

The new militarist – power configuration’s conception of empire building required vast – trillion dollar – expenditures, without care or thought of returns to private capital. In contrast, under the hegemony of the MNC, the imperial state, intervened to secure concessions of oil, gas and minerals in Latin America and the Middle East. The costs of military conquest were more than compensated by the returns to the MNC. The militarist imperial state configuration pillaged the US Treasury to finance its occupations, financing a vast army of corrupt colonial collaborators, private mercenary ‘military contractors’and,soon to be millionaire, US military procurement (sic) officials.

Previously, MNC directed overseas exploitation led to healthy returns to the US Treasury both in terms of direct tax payments and via the revenues generated from trade and the processing of raw materials.

Over the past decade and a half, the biggest and most stable returns to the MNC take place in regions and countries where the militarized imperial state is least involved – China, Latin America and Europe. The MNC’s have profited least and have lost most in areas of greatest imperial state involvement.

The ‘war zones’ that extend from Libya, Somalia, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Ukraine, Iran and Afghanistan and Pakistan are the regions where imperial MNC have suffered the biggest decline and exodus.

The main “beneficiaries” of the current imperial state policies are the war contractors and the security-military-industrial complex in the US.Oversees the state beneficiaries include Israel and Saudi Arabia. In addition Jordanian, Egyptian, Iraqi, Afghani and Pakistani client rulers have squirreled away tens of billions in off-shore private bank accounts.

The “non-state” beneficiaries include mercenary, proxy armies .In Syria, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and the Ukraine , tens of thousands of collaborators in self-styled “non- governmental” organizations have also profited.

The Lost-Benefit Calculus or Empire-Building under the Aegeus of the Militarist- Zionist Imperial State

Sufficient time has passed over the past decade and a half of militarist-Zionist dominance of the imperial state to evaluate their performance.

The US and its Western European allies, especially Germany successfully expanded their empire in Eastern Europe, the Balkans and the Baltic regions without firing a shot. These countries were converted into EU vassal states. Their markets dominated and industries denationalized. Their armed forces were recruited as NATO mercenaries. West Germany annexed the East. Cheap educated labor, as immigrants and as a labor reserve, increased profits for EU and US MNC. Russia was temporarily reduced to a vassal state between 1991 – 2001. Living standards plunged and welfare programs were reduced. Mortality rates increased. Class inequalities widened. Millionaires and billionaires seized public resources and joined with the imperial MNC in plundering the economy. Socialist and Communist leaders and parties were repressed or co-opted. In contrast imperial military expansion of the 21st century, was a costly failure. The ‘war in Afghanistan’ was costly in lives and expenditures and led to an ignominious retreat. What remained was a fragile puppet regime and an unreliable mercenary military. The US-Afghanistan war was the longest war in US history and one of the biggest failures. In the end the nationalist-Islamist resistance movements – the so-called “Taliban” and allied ethno-religious and nationalist anti-imperialist resistance groups- dominate the countryside, repeatedly penetrate and attack urban centers and prepare to take power.

The Iraq war and the imperial state’s invasion and decade long occupation decimated the economy . The occupation fomented ethno religious warfare. The secular Ba’thist officers and military professionals joined with Islamist-nationalists and subsequently formed a powerful resistance movement (ISIS) which defeated the imperial backed Shia mercenary army during the second decade of the war. The imperial state was condemned to re-enter and engage directly in a prolonged war. The cost of war spiraled to over a trillion dollars. Oil exploitation was hampered and the US Treasury poured tens of billions to sustain a “war without end’.

The US imperial state and the EU, along with Saudi Arabia and Turkey financed armed Islamic mercenary militias to invade Syria and overthrow the secular, nationalist, anti-Zionist Bashar Assad regime. The imperial war opened the door for the expansion of the Islamic –Ba’thist forces—ISIS– into Syria . The Kurds and other armed groups seized territory, fragmenting the country. After nearly 5 years of warfare and rising military costs the US and EU MNC have been cut off from the Syrian market.

US support for Israeli aggression against Lebanon has led to the growth in power of the anti-imperialist Hezbollah armed resistance. Lebanon, Syria and Iran now represent a serious alternative to the US,EU, Saudi Arabia, Israeli axis.

The US sanctions policy toward Iran has failed to undermine the nationalist regime and has totally undercut the economic opportunities of all the major US and EU oil and gas MNC as well as US manufacturing exporters. China has replaced them.

The US-EU invasion of Libya led to the destruction of the economy and the flight of billions in MNC investments and the disruption of exports.

The US imperial states’ seizure of power via a proxy coup in Kiev, provoked a powerful anti-imperialist rebellion led by armed militia in the East (Donetsk and Luhansk) and the decimation of the Ukraine economy.

In summary, the military-Zionist takeover of the imperial state has led to prolonged, unwinnable costly wars which have undermined markets and investment sites for US MNC. Imperial militarism has undermined the imperial economic presence and provoked long-term, growing anti-imperialist resistance movements, as well as chaotic, unstable and unviable countries out of imperial control.
Economic imperialism has continued to profit in parts of Europe, Asia , Latin America and Africa despite the imperial wars and economic sanctions pursued by the highly militarized imperial state elsewhere.

However, the US militarists’ seizure of power in the Ukraine and the sanctions against Russia have eroded EU’S profitable trade and investments in Russia. The Ukraine under IMF-EU-US tutelage has become a heavily indebted , broken economy run by kleptocrats who are totally dependent on foreign loans and military intervention. Because the militarized imperial state prioritizes conflict and sanctions with Russia, Iran and Syria, it has failed to deepen and expand its economic ties with Asia, Latin America and Africa. The political and economic conquest of East Europe and parts of the USSR has lost significance. The perpetual, lost wars in the Middle East, North Africa and the Caucuses have weakened the imperial state’s capacity for empire building in Asia and Latin America.
The outflow of wealth, the domestic cost of perpetual wars has eroded the electoral foundations of empire building. Only a fundamental change in the composition of the imperial state and a reorientation of priorities toward centering on economic expansion can alter the current decline of empire. The danger is that as the militarist Zionist imperialist state pursues losing wars, it may escalate and raise the ante ,and move toward a major nuclear confrontation: an empire amidst nuclear ashes!

The post Fifty Years Of Imperial Wars: Results And Perspectives – OpEd appeared first on Eurasia Review.

By Maksim Tsurkov

The State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) produced 570.2 million cubic meters of gas in January 2015, compared to 598 million cubic meters in January 2014, a message posted on SOCAR’s website said.

SOCAR is developing the Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli (ACG) block of oil and gas fields and the Shah Deniz gas and condensate field jointly with foreign partners.

Around 2.496 billion cubic meters of gas was produced in the country in January 2015, compared to 2.04 billion cubic meters in January 2014, according to SOCAR.

SOCAR includes Azneft (companies producing oil and gas on land and sea), Azerkimya (chemical industry) and Azerigas (gas distribution) production associations.

In addition, the state oil company has a number of processing and service enterprises, as well as institutions involved in geophysical and drilling activities.

The post Azerbaijan: SOCAR Lowers Gas Production appeared first on Eurasia Review.

A painting by Pablo Picasso stolen from the Pompidou Centre in Paris has been found by a US customs official after it was posted across the Atlantic disguised as a cheap Christmas present.

La Coiffeuse (The Hairdresser), painted in 1911, was reported stolen in 2001 when it was discovered missing from the Paris museum.

It lay hidden for the next 14 years until it turned up in Newark in December in a FedEx package from Belgium, labelled as “art craft/toy” with a stated value of $37 (£24) and with the message “Joyeux Noel” (Happy Christmas).

It had been posted by someone called “Robert” to a climate-controlled warehouse in Long Island, according to the New York Times. But customs officers inspecting the package discovered the painting, worth $2.5 million, and passed it on to a specialist unit dealing with international art trafficking.

French museum officials then visited New York to examine the painting and confirmed it was a Picasso.

“A lost treasure has been found,” said Loretta Lynch, attorney for the eastern district of New York.

“Because of the blatant smuggling in this case, this painting is now subject to forfeiture to the United States. Forfeiture of the painting will extract it from the grasp of the black market in stolen art so that it can be returned to its rightful owner, “ she said.

The painting, which measures 13 inches by 18 inches, is the property of the French government. It was bequeathed to the National Museums of France by one of its former directors.

It was last exhibited publicly in Munich, Germany, where it was on loan to the Kunsthalle der Hypo-Kulturstiftung.

It was then returned to Paris and placed in the storerooms of the Pompidou Centre. Officials only realized the canvas was missing when a loan request came through in 2001 and they could not find it.

Alain Seban, the director of the Pompidou, said the recovery of La Coiffeuse came as a “true comfort” at a time when the cultural world is reeling from an Islamic State video showing the destruction of statues in Iraq.

The post Stolen Picasso Worth Millions Smuggled Into NY As Christmas Present appeared first on Eurasia Review.